MyOpinion

The RCI, STAR and AMANAH: what difference can they make???

2012-01-18T00:30:00.000-08:00

The RCI: mother of all “campaign” issues

With the general election scheduled to be sometime early or mid this year, the country’s political landscape is fast changing. In Sabah, the issue of RCI has gained momentum. It has been used as a “bargaining tool” by both the BN component parties and the Opposition. Prime Minister Najib Razak has yet to publicly announce the establishment of the RCI but some in the state’s political circles have confirmed that the prime minister has in principle agreed to set up the RCI to address the problem of illegal immigrants in Sabah. Najib cannot afford not to agree as doing so may risk the BN’s chances of retaining Sabah. Indications are strong that if the RCI is not established, at least two of BN component parties, PBS and UPKO will leave the ruling coalition. For Sabah UMNO, in particular, PBS leaving the BN could weaken its support among the Kadazandusuns. Sabah UMNO also cannot afford to lose the PBS as it has support across the diverse Sabah society.

The Opposition has been quick to blame Sabah UMNO for the delay in the establishment of the RCI. Perhaps due to pressures from various quarters, Sabah UMNO information chief Sapawi Ahmad had no choice but to say it publicly that Sabah UMNO supports the RCI. But again, it does not stop the speculation that Sabah UMNO is against the RCI as Sabah UMNO chief Musa Aman has been somewhat evasive when asked to comment on the issue of illegal immigrants. With Sabah UMNO’s public statement in support of the RCI, the onus is now on Najib to decide when the RCI is going to be officially formed, before or after the election. He can choose to announce it before the election to boost the BN’s popularity and to get the RCI to work later after the terms of reference of the RCI are finalised. Whatever Najib’s calculation is, he needs to ensure that the RCI’s terms of work do not put UMNO’s head on the chopping board. Do not forget, most, if not all, of the Sabah UMNO members (including Musa) are implicated in the influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah. In the months to come, the RCI will remain an important issue and will continue to be articulated by the BN component parties and the Opposition.

Can Jeffrey’s STAR “shine” this time?

The maverick politician, Jeffrey Kitingan, who left the PKR in 2010 yet again made everyone surprised with his decision to lead the dormant Sarawak-based party STAR in Sabah. Close to 3000 people attended the party’s launching at the KDCA on January 6, 2012. Jeffrey made it clear that STAR will be an equal partner in the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in the race to topple the BN in Sabah. This means, instead of contesting under the PR, STAR will lead another opposition coalition consisting of state-based parties in Sabah. Some have called Jeffrey power crazy and a “frog” but no one should underestimate his influence in particular among the Kadazandusuns. When the PKR came to Sabah in 1999, it was not well accepted by the electorate. As a small party with little clout, it lost badly in the 2004 election. When Jeffrey joined the PKR in 2006, he was able to “re-package” the party according to the general sentiments of the Sabah electorate. Jeffrey’s effort paid off. In the 2008 election, the PKR’s popular votes especially in the Kadazandusun areas had increased tremendously. Surprisingly too, the PKR obtained more popular votes than the PBS in the Kadazandusun areas. Unfortunately, Jeffrey, seen as a rising star in PKR was regarded by Anwar and the PKR federal leaders as a threat to their interests in Sabah. Jeffrey’s Borneo Agenda was also not wholly supported by Anwar. This disappointed Jeffrey and he did not wait long to leave the PKR and to establish the UBF (United Borneo Front). But the UBF could not be registered as a political party. Some said that the ROS (Registrar of Societies) was not happy with the word “Borneo” as it carries a strong regional outlook. Now with STAR, Jeffrey is set to provide a strong challenge to BN and PKR. If the PKR fails to strike an amicable deal with Jeffrey, its chances of denying the BN’s two-thirds majority would be substantially reduced. Simply put, the PKR cannot exclude STAR in its plan to topple the BN. And STAR’s chances of making an impact depend largely on Jeffrey’s ability to re-articulate his Borneo Agenda through his new party.

AMANAH, a third force in Sabah?

What’s with the AMANAH (Angkatan Amanah Merdeka) spreading its wing to Sabah? So far, AMANAH is not regarded as a potential threat, both to BN and the Opposition. It is an NGO led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. AMANAH’s aim is to return Malaysia to where the founding fathers wanted it to be. In the past months, talks have been rife that Tengku Razaleigh will turn AMANAH into a political party. But this depends on whether he will be retained as a candidate in his constituency. Tengku Razaleigh himself is unsure about AMANAH’s future. In Sabah, AMANAH is led by Wilfred Bumburing who is rumoured to leave the BN. When AMANAH deputy president Sheikh Fadzir came to Sabah to meet with AMANAH members, most agreed that the NGO be turned into a political party. But then again, it all depends on Tengku Razaleigh’s next move. Even if AMANAH becomes a political party, it will not be able to give any strong impact nationally and in Sabah. Given the sentiment towards semenanjung-based parties in Sabah, AMANAH moving in would not change the state’s current political landscape.

So, one could expect that more new parties will emerge in Sabah soon, not to mention a swarm of individuals offering themselves to contest. Sabah recorded a record number of independent candidates contesting in the 2004 election. It is likely that such a trend will happen again in the upcoming election. There are too many “political heroes” in Sabah wanting to make a difference but only a handful have seriously shown that they have a strong policy platform to execute real change.

The PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah) is struggling to stay relevant. There are ways to revive the party. Here's how.

2011-11-13T03:57:00.000-08:00

For many Sabahans, the PBS is synonymous with state rights and autonomy. Its establishment in 1985 came after the PBS leaders fought to restore state rights from the pro federal the BERJAYA (Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah) led by Harris Salleh. At the 26th PBS Annual General Meeting (AGM) held at the Hongkod Koisaan on 30th October 2011, the PBS once again renewed its regionalist stance in front of the Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Only that this time it was done in a rather non-confrontational style by Joseph Pairin Kitingan, the PBS President and Huguan Siou of the Kadazandusun community. Pairin, now at 71, stole the show with a “pantun”. But this was not Pairin more than 20 years ago. Due to age and diminishing health, Pairin was not as aggressive and combative as he used to. But his husky voice and charisma filled the packed hall. Even though the PBS has gradually lost its multi-racial appeal, the crowd who came to the AGM consisted of members from various ethnic groups.

At one corner, one could see a group of Chinese supporters wearing red and waving the national and state flags. At another corner, one could see a group of women supporters wearing pink “tudungs” (one might easily mistaken them for Puteri UMNO members!!!). A “pak cik” with a “songkok” nodded his head thoughtfully whenever he got excited with Pairin’s speech. The multi-racial atmosphere was evident throughout the AGM. What was missing, however, was the presence of the younger members. Reading from a text, Pairin’s speech revolved around the issues of illegal immigrants, Borneonisation, jobs for Sabahans, and opportunities for Sabah-born teachers and contractors. It was not really a policy speech in the strictest sense of the term. When Pairin mentioned these issues, Muhyiddin was seen jotting down some notes. On the illegal immigrant issue, Pairin once again demanded the Federal Government to establish a Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI). Stating that the proofs are sufficient for an RCI to be established, Pairin urged Muhyiddin to bring the illegal immigrant issue to the attention of the cabinet. While no details on the progress of Borneonisation was given, Pairin said it is important for the pre-Malaysia policy to be observed.

When it was Muhyiddin’s turn to deliver his speech, the delegates were all eyes and ears. Muhyiddin responded to all the points raised by Pairin except for one thing—about oil royalty—which he considered as “sensitive”. On the illegal immigrant issue, Muhyiddin, as in the case of most federal leaders, was non-committal but promised to bring the case to the intention of the Federal Government. Muhyiddin’s response to the Borneonisation policy was a slap on the face for Pairin. Toying with the Federal Government’s meritocracy policy, Muhyiddin said posts in government departments will be filled by qualified Malaysians irrespective of states of origin. While Muhyiddin was “positive” on the last two issues raised by Pairin, the delegates were disappointed as they did not get any constructive feedback from Muhyiddin on the contentious Sabah issues for which the PBS has been fighting for since its inception.

If the atmosphere of the official launching of the PBS AGM was anything to go by, it showed that the PBS is a party of choice for race and religious blind Sabahans. One could see the Muslim Bumiputeras, non-Muslim Bumiputeras, and the Chinese singing PBS’s official anthem in unity and cheering at the mention of Pairin’s name. As mentioned, missing in the event of course were the younger members of PBS. Most who attended the AGM were those in their 40s, 50s and 60s. All the talks that the PBS is having a serious problem in keeping its younger members are real. Most of the younger Kadazandusun are more attracted to the UPKO (United Pasok Momogun Kadazandusun Organisation). This is understandable as the UPKO appears to be more successful in enticing the young generation through its programmes such as the “Komulakan”. Unlike the PBS, the UPKO has young cadre of leaders to take over the party.

It cannot be denied that the PBS remains a popular multi-racial party in Sabah. Even though its multi-racial make-up has slowly diminished, it remains a party of choice for many Sabahans who believe in the principle of multi-racial politics. The PBS, however, is in danger of losing its multi-racial appeal and electoral support if it does not take drastic and strategic actions.

First, the PBS has to quickly fill the leadership vacuum in the party to allow the younger members to contribute meaningfully and to prepare a smooth succession plan. The old guards must be prepared to groom young leaders. These young people must come from different races. It is not clear if the PBS has such a plan now. The UPKO seems to have one through its Komulakan to win the young generation. In the Peninsular Malaysia, the PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat) and the DAP (Democratic Action Party) have taken the same approach. Recently, the SUPP has also realised the need to include more young and professional members to contribute to the party. The PBS is no exception if it wants to stay relevant.

Second, in order to continue to enjoy its multi-racial appeal, the PBS must increase its multi-racial members especially among those from the Muslim Bumiputera and Chinese communities who have now looked at UMNO (United Malays National Organisation), DAP, LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) and SAPP (Sabah Action People’s Party) as the alternative to the PBS. Greater role must be given to the Muslim and Chinese members in PBS so that the party is not seen as too Kadazandusun. In essence, the PBS must prove itself that it is a multi-racial party committed to promote multi-racialism in Sabah.

Third, apart from projecting itself as a strong local-based party championing state rights and autonomy, the PBS must look beyond state-centrism as its main struggle. The PBS must start focusing on bread-and-butter issues such as the increase in cost of living, increase in prices of houses, race and religious issues, and so on. The PBS must reduce its regional rhetoric and transform itself to become a party accepted by all including those in the Peninsular Malaysia. For instance, the 2011 Budget recently tabled by Prime Minister Najib Razak should be critically assessed. Rather than accepting it at face value, which Pairin did when delivering his speech, the PBS should form a working committee to critically assess its relevance given Malaysia’s economic reality. And how about the recent Auditor-General’s Report which reveals misappropriation of government’s funds? Where is the PBS? What views does it give? The point is, the PBS must look beyond state issues and broaden its policy proposals.

The SUPP (Sarawak United People’s Party) a popular Chinese-based party in Sarawak faced an embarrassing moment during the by election in Sibu in 2010 and the Sarawak State Election in 2011 after losing many of the crucial Chinese seats. Its president George Chan was even defeated in Miri. The reasons for the SUPP’s dismal performance vary from its failure to connect with the electorate and its inability to reform according to changing times. The PBS risk of facing the same if it does react to the wishes of the electorate. The PBS supporters have grown weary of the party’s snail-paced action to reform. The PBS’s contemporaries the USNO (United Sabah National Organisation) and BERJAYA were disbanded after failing to sustain the electorate’s support. But the PBS must not wait until it is rejected by the electorate. Some have chosen to remain in the PBS and others wait for the right time to leave. If the PBS wants to keep its supporters, it has no choice but to act—and now.

How Old Is Malaysia? 54 years or 48?

2011-09-01T00:20:00.000-07:00

Many people are arguing that Malaysia achieved its independence 48 years ago and not 54. The argument is that 48 years ago, Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak agreed to form a new country called Malaysia. These people say that 54 is not correct noting that it only indicates the independence for Malaya and not the whole of Malaysia. So, which one? Well, there are two issues that we need to tackle here to prevent distortion to history and to avoid further confusion to the matter.

First, the issue of independence for Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak. Sabah and Sarawak were still under the colonial rule when Malaya achieved its independence on 31 August 1957. So technically, Sabah and Sarawak were not yet independent. Remember that Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak were different entities ruled by the British. Sabah became a British protectorate in 1888 and a colony in 1946. The British granted Sabah independence on 31 August 1963. Note that when Sabah achieved its independence on 31 August 1963, it was not yet part of Malaysia. We could say that Sabah was an independent country much like Malaya after 31 August 1957. Sarawak has a different history altogether. It fell into the rule of James Brooke who went on to establish the “White Rajah Dynasty” which ruled Sarawak for more than 100 years. James’ successor, Charles Vyner, however, surrended Sarawak to the British on 1 July 1946 and Sarawak became a Crown Colony. Unlike Sabah, Sarawak achieved its independence much earlier on 22 July 1963.

Second, the issue of when Sabah and Sarawak achieved their independence. The independence of Sabah and Sarawak must be seen within the context of the formation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963. A United Nations (UN) report through its Secretary-General concluded that:

“Taking into account the framework within which the Mission's task had been performed, he had come to the conclusion that the majority of the peoples of Sabah (North Borneo) and of Sarawak had given serious and thoughtful consideration to their future and to the implications for them of participation in a Federation of Malaysia. He believed that the majority of them had concluded that they wished to bring their dependent status to an end and to realize their independence through freely chosen association with other peoples in their region with whom they felt ties of ethnic association, heritage, language, religion, culture, economic relationship, and ideals and objectives. Not all of those considerations were present in equal weight in all minds, but it was his conclusion that the majority of the peoples of the two territories wished to engage, with the peoples of the Federation of Malaya and Singapore, in an enlarged Federation of Malaysia through which they could strive together to realize the fulfillment of their destiny”

So, the three different entities Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak achieved their independence separately. Malaysia was not born in 1957 nor achieved its independence in the same year. Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak combined to form Malaysia on 16 September 1963. The Malaysia Act 1963 states that:

“For the purpose of enabling North Borneo (Sabah), Sarawak and Singapore (in this Act referred to as "the new States") to federate with the existing States of the Federation of Malaya (in this Act referred to as "the Federation"), the Federation thereafter being called Malaysia, on the day on which the new States are federated as aforesaid (in this Act referred to as "the appointed day") Her Majesty's sovereignty and jurisdiction in respect of the new States shall be relinquished so as to vest in the manner agreed between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Federation and the new States”

It it clear that Malaysia became a NEW and INDEPENDENT nation on “the appointed day”, that is, on 16 September 1963, when the new country called Malaysia was declared. Even though it should have been declared earlier on 31 August 1963 to coincide with the Malayan Independence, it was postponed to 16 September due to the opposition from Indonesia and the Philippines to the formation of Malaysia. The fact that the British through Her Majesty agreed to relinquish Her “sovereignty” and “jurisdiction” over Malaysia revealed another strong point about Malaysia’s independence on the day it was born. So, the historical documents are sufficient to clear our confusions about the country’s age. The conclusion that we can derive, therefore, is:

1. Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak were different entities which achieved their independence separately. Even though Malaya (now generally known as Peninsular Malaysia or “Semenanjung Malaysia”), Sabah and Sarawak are still DIFFERENT as far as their political and cultural backgrounds are concerned, they all belong to the same country called Malaysia.

2. Malaysia was born out of the willingness of the people of Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak to federate and subsequently to form Malaysia. The people of Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak must be willing to integrate and embrace their religious and racial differences in the spirit of the formation of Malaysia.

3. Malaysia, as a NEW and INDEPENDENT country, was therefore born on 16 September 1963 and this makes Malaysia 48 and not 54 years of age.

4. If the government is to unite the country and its people, it should appreciate and give more value to 16 September 1963 as it was the year Malaysia was born. Politicians—especially from Sabah—must stop harping on the issue of independence day for Malaysia but looking for concrete solutions to unite Malaysians of all races and religions.

5. While the significance of 31 August 1957 cannot be ignored, national leaders must also give emphasis to 16 September 1963. To appreciate the country’s history and to unite Malaysians of all races and religions, the government must decide to celebrate the country’s independence within the context of the formation of Malaysia in 1963. The decision of the Najib Administration to make 16 September every year a national holiday is a step in the right direction. While the decision is seen as “cosmetic” by some, the challenge for the government is to put into place policies which could draw people from the Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak to work together to develop the country.

Outcomes of the Sarawak election: Some key observations

2011-04-16T10:59:00.000-07:00

Now that the results of the Sarawak election have been released and that the BN has managed to re-capture the state with more than two-thirds majority. Pundits have predicted earlier that the BN will not be able to retain its two-thirds majority and that the Opposition will trail from behind very closely. But if the results are anything to go by, they prove the pundits wrong and many have under-estimated the onslaught of the BN’s election machineries especially in rural Sarawak. My prediction that the Opposition will win handsomely in urban and Chinese-based areas proved to be correct. And the biggest casualty for BN in these areas was George Chan the Deputy Chief Minister and President of SUPP. SUPP could have also lost in Senadin but thanks to postal votes its candidate there Lee Kim Shin survived. While it is too early to tell the reasons behind SUPP’s misfortune, it is clear that the Chinese voters are not happy with the party’s performance all these years. It seems that the rural people have renewed their support to the BN except in Ba’Kelalan where they voted for the PKR candidate Baru Bian. After a third attempt, Baru finally managed to win in Ba’Kelalan. But his dream of becoming the Chief Minister has not materialised as Sarawak PKR has failed to live up to expectation. Here, the role of a candidate’s personality and character is important. Baru is a former church elder who has a strong following among the SIB-professed Lun Bawang and Kelabit voters. I wrote before that prior to polling, Lun Bawang and Kelabit voters had been receiving smses persuading them to vote for Baru. Apart from Baru’s religious affiliation and personality, the SPDP election machinery in Ba’Kelalan is partly to be blamed for the BN’s loss. Until the nomination was made, no one knew for sure who was going to take on Baru. Lack of preparation as well as failure to counter Baru’s NCR land abuse allegations contributed to the BN’s failure in Ba’Kelalan. Quite simply, no one in Ba’Kelalan is willing to take on Baru. This is understandable as almost everyone in Ba’Kelalan is related and where social cohesion is strong. Baru will remain a headache for the BN until the next state election. His presence in the state assembly will surely boost the Opposition’s credibility but the extent to which he will measure up is yet to be seen. Overall, however, Sarawak PKR’s performance has been disappointing. Winning just three seats out of 49 contested is rather too negligible to “ubah” the landscape of Sarawak politics. This means depending on Anwar’s “ceramahs” alone will not suffice to jolt the rural voters. Sarawak PKR has to do more in Sarawak. Grooming young and potential leaders is one thing and encouraging its members to fight for real issues is quite another if PKR wants to “ubah” Sarawak politics. The “star” of the election is the DAP who managed to win 12 seats out of 15 contested. SNAP has failed miserably in the election failing to win any seat even in areas it was tipped to win. All the key Iban leaders of SNAP lost in the election. This shows that some voters placed more emphasis on the personality of the candidates than their party affiliation. So, why did the BN win in rural areas and where had the Opposition gone wrong? Many have blamed money politics for the Opposition’s loss in the rural areas. While this might be the case, factor such as strong affinity to the BN also played an important role. The rural voters have been long associated with the BN and it takes more than just monetary benefits to break their loyalty to the ruling party. Lack of access to the alternative media and the culture of dependency that prevails in the rural community also ensured the BN’s comfortable majorities in the rural areas. As we can see, the Malay-Melanau and Bidayuh seats were won by BN, as expected, so were the Iban-majority seats. It is, however, too early to tell about the overall outcomes of the election as more in-depth analyses are needed to examine the voting pattern. Personally, I am interested to study Ba’Kelalan where Baru Bian won after a third attempt. Did the Lun Bawang, Kelabit and other Orang Ulu tribes in Ba’Kelalan reject Taib Mahmud’s “politics of development”? If most of the rural areas rejected the Opposition, then, why was it accepted in Ba’Kelalan. What was the message that the voters in Ba’Kelalan want to show? More to come...

A David and Goliath Battle in Ba' Kelalan

2011-04-04T03:55:00.000-07:00

The guessing game continues The BN kept the people guessing when it left the BN candidacy in Ba' Kelalan vacant. Ba' Kelalan is one of the hot seats contested in the upcoming Sarawak election. When the list of candidates was announced, no name was mentioned to represent BN in Ba' Kelalan. And the speculations about Idris Jala's first foray into the political arena were squashed after he denied that he was the BN candidate to be fielded. The reason behind the incumbent Balang Rining's exclusion remains unclear but many have speculated that the BN cannot afford to field a less politically savvy person to take on Baru Bian who is a popular NCR (Native Customary Rights) lawyer in the Lun Bawang heartlands. A source related to me that the BN candidate who will fight Baru is a young lawyer from Ba' Kelalan. Until the final candidate is announced nothing is really certain. Whoever the candidate is, he must be willing to debate with Baru about the contentious NCR issue. Baru has long established himself as a native lawyer "fighting" for the people's land which he believes to have been "robbed" by the State Government for development purposes. He invited Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud to debate the issue but the latter had shown no interest to argue with Baru in public. He did respond to Baru's allegations of the NCR land abuse but some were not happy because Taib failed to raise doubts in the issues brought against him. Are the evidences too overwhelming for Taib to counter-argue? Or, is Baru too smart to debate with Taib? I, for one, is doubtful that any debate will ever take place in our elections, what more in Sarawak. It will come as a surprise to me if debates are slotted by the aspiring candidates in their campaigns. The Idris Jala factor It is not just the NCR land issue that has established Baru's leadership among the largely Lun Bawang community in Ba' Kelalan. His characters and Christian faith are also among the factors that make him the most likely candidate to win. The two previous elections (by election in 2004 and state election in 2006) are a testimony to Baru's popularity in Ba' Kelalan. Among the interesting issue to see is whether the Kelabits--the Lun Bawangs' "cultural cousins"--will vote for or against the BN this time around. They have been known as staunch supporters to the BN. The famous Malaysian Kelabit Idris Jala's prominence as a government troubleshooter and a business maestro will further boost the Kelabits' support to the BN. Had the plan to field Jala as a candidate materialised, it could have spelt trouble for Baru as the former is also an equally popular figure among the Kelabits and the Lun Bawangs. But Jala has denied that he is the "mysterious" candidate to represent the BN. And he is tactful enough by not associating himself with the Sarawak election. Jala so far has maintained a high level of professionalism and that he knows where his real calling is. However, it remains to be seen if Jala will go down to the election ground to campaign for the BN. If he does then Baru will have a tough time convincing the Lunbawangs and Kelabits to change their minds. Whoever the BN candidate in Ba' Kelalan is, he must be shrewd enough to overcome Baru's combination of wit, charisma and religious passion. Some of the Lun Bawangs and Kelabits are not easily duped into accepting the politics of development. The Lun Bawang and Kelabit communities have produced a substantial number of professionals and have strong middle class societies. The professional and educated Lun Bawangs and Kelabits will play a prominent role in determining the winner and loser of the election in Ba' Kelalan. The role of religion Another factor that will also determine the outcome of the battle in Ba' Kelalan is religion. Prior to the announcement of the candidates, the Lun Bawangs and Kelabits received messages via sms containing persuasive calls for the two communities to vote for Baru. Some even conducted prayer rallies to ensure his victory. For those who know Baru, he is a staunch Christian and an elder at an SIB church in Kuching. Apart from conducting a regular Bible study at his house, Baru is also active in church and gives sermons regularly. Prospect for the BN candidate In the final analysis, Baru's opponent will have to look into the former's track record in order to dislodge his influence. But no matter who the person is the battle in Ba' Kelalan will see a showdown between David and Goliath. Read more: "Whither Representative Democracy in Malaysia? The Ba' Kelalan By Election" by Arnold Puyok, Contemporary Southeast Asia (Singapore) "Voting Pattern and Issue in the Ba' Kelalan State Election" by Arnold Puyok, Asian Political Science Journal (UK) *Both articles are available upon request

What's in store for Sabah's politics and economy in 2011?

2011-02-21T06:03:00.000-08:00

*This piece is based on a talk I delivered at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Brunei Darussalam.

*Tables and figures are omitted for space.

Introduction

Much attention has been given to Sabah after the 2008 general elections. This is understandable as Sabah contributed a substantial number of parliamentary seats to the national parliament, without which the BN would have lost power. In order to see this clearly, it is important to look at Sabah’s electoral contribution in a proper perspective. There were 222 seats contested in the 2008 elections. Overall, BN won 140 seats, 8 more seats before it could command a two-thirds majority in parliament. For BN, having a two-thirds majority is a “prerequisite” for establishing a strong and stable government, a “standard” set by former Prime Minister (Tun) Mahathir Mohamad. Given Malaysia’s political convention, having two parties forming a coalition government is almost impossible. Of the 140 seats BN won, Sabah and Sarawak BN obtained 54 seats giving BN the advantage of winning the 2008 elections with a simple majority. If, for example, Sabah and Sarawak are left out from the calculation, it is BN with only 86 seats against the Opposition 80. With just eight-seat difference, BN would have risked losing power in the event of crossovers. Clearly, without the 54 seats from Sabah and Sarawak BN, BN would not be able to form a stable government.

With the 2008 election results, Sabah and Sarawak are BN’s fixed deposits and hold the key for BN’s survival. Sabah, however, is given more attention than Sarawak due to UMNO’s strong presence in the state. That is why it is easy to understand why more “political goods” are given to Sabah than Sarawak. Sabah, for instance, received the largest financial allocation of RM16 billion under the Ninth Malaysia Plan and four of Malaysia’s federal cabinet ministers are Sabahans while only two from Sarawak. Given the above backdrop, the paper aims to present the key political and economic outlook in Sabah in 2011.

Key Political Outlook

Political Dynamics in Sabah BN

Local politics is essentially controlled by Sabah UMNO and Musa Aman. Conflict, however, began to resurface following allegations of dominance by Musa’s allies. The first leader who dared to stick his neck out to challenge Musa openly was Chong Kah Kiat of LDP (Liberal Democratic Party). Chong was a member in Musa’s cabinet who protested the latter’s decision to stop a contruction of a religious statue in Kudat. Chong alleged that the decision was personal following his order to stop a construction project supervised by Musa’s Ministry of Finance on the idyllic Sipadan Island. The spat between the two leaders reached its climax when both decided to fight it out in court. The court’s decision, however, favoured Musa. After Chong, another LDP leader went to the open to challenge Musa stating that he could no longer work with Musa. Musa appeared to be successful in making sure that the “mini rebellion” in Sabah BN did not affect his leadership. Others in Sabah BN appeared to be supporting him, thanks to Musa’s skillful political maneuverings in keeping the “rebels” tamed.

The Bajau Challenge

As the second largest ethnic group in Sabah, Musa faces a strong challenge from the Bajau community. Even though a substantial number of the Bajaus are Sabah UMNO members, some are not happy with the alledged domination of the “Malays” led by Musa. The three Bajau leaders who pose a threat to Musa’s leadership are Salleh Said Keruak, Amirkahar Mustapha and Pandikar Amin Mulia—also known as the”big three” in USBO (United Sabah Bajau Organisation). Except for Amirkahar, Salleh and Pandikar wield a significance influence among the Bajau community. Sabah UMNO is anxious about the rise of USBO whose re-branding in 2006 was seen as an attempt to replace Sabah UMNO as a party to represent the Muslims in Sabah. When Musa decided to drop all three as candidates in the 2008 elections, it was seen as not more than an attempt to chip away the Bajau influence in Sabah UMNO. Musa, however, was quick to prevent dissatisfaction among the Bajau community by giving Salleh and Pandikar important roles in government. Salleh was appointed as Science Adviser to the Chief Minister and recently as Speaker of the State Legislative Assembly while Pandikar, with Musa’s strong endorsement, was appointed as Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives). The Bajau factor will remain an important political challenge for Musa to overcome.

The Kadazandusun Challenge

Apart from the Bajau factor, Musa also needs to ensure that his Kadazandusun support remain intact. The Kadazandusun is the largest ethnic group in Sabah accounting for 17 percent of Sabah’s total population. While the Bajau community wanted to have a greater say in Sabah UMNO, the Kadazandusun, on the other hand, demanded that a proper power arrangement in the state be introduced. The voice of the Kadazandusun community is essentially coming from PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah) which is the largest Kadazandusun-based party in the state. In its party congress, PBS suggested that the power sharing arragement in Sabah should be based on 70:30 ratio. This means, if there are 10 vacant political positions in a PBS-controlled constituency, seven should be appointed among its members while the rest from other parties.

While no visible changes could be seen after such demand was made, Musa seems to be continuing to enjoy the Kadazandusun support through the Huguan Siou Joseph Pairin Kitingan. The issue of power sharing came to the fore once again after PBS demanded that the new Mayor of Kota Kinabalu be given to a qualified Kadazandusun. The present Mayor is closely related to Musa and is a Muslim. Apart from PBS, other ethnic groups across the political divides also wanted Musa to appoint their own leaders to the post. After much speculation, Musa finally agreed to appoint a Kadazandusun from Ranau as the new Mayor for Kota Kinabalu. PBS is synonymous with the fight for state rights and autonomy. PBS, however, has been criticised for being too “soft” on issues such as illegal immigrants, regional autonomy and economic imbalance between East and West Malaysia. PBS supporters argue that it is more politically viable to talk about these issue behind close door rather than openly and Pairin, it seems, prefers not to use a confrontational approach in pursuing the Sabah issues. As far the the PBS support to Musa is concerned, the Kadazandusun support remain intact and will not pose a serious challenge to Sabah UMNO.

Another important aspect to ensure a continued political stability in Sabah is federal-state relations. Sabah’s history has shown that the role of the Federal Government is crucial in determing a stable State Government. Classic examples can be seen during the reign of Mustapha Harun, Harris Salleh and Joseph Pairin Kitingan. Mustapha, who courted with the federal leaders under Tunku Abdul Rahman had to give up power after Abdul Rahman’s succesor Abdul Razak initiated the formation of BERJAYA (Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah) to topple Mustapha’s USNO (United Sabah National Organisation). Musa Hitam, the then Deputy Prime Minister was instrumental in Salleh’s fall and Pairin’s rise to power; and with the fourth Prime Minister Mahathir’s role, Pairin was left seeing PBS disintegrated in 1994.

Musa has learnt the lesson well and has been tactful in ensuring that federal-state relations remain integral to Sabah’s political stability. The speculations that say that Musa is not in good terms with Prime Minister Najib are rather weak to presume a change of leadership in Sabah anytime soon. If it is true that Najib had wanted his “proxy” Shafie Apdal, the UMNO Chief in Semporna, to lead Sabah, it is not only a wrong political calculation but a risky move which could affect Najib’s popularity in Sabah. Shafie, for one, is not based in Sabah and is considered as an outsider among Sabah UMNO’s rank and file. If indeed the war to gain political supremacy in the state exists, Musa seems to have the advantage to hold on to power as he enjoys a strong local support.

Whither the Opposition?

The expectation was high for the Opposition to provide a challenge to Sabah BN. After introducing Sabah PKR, Anwar promised to return political autonomy to Sabah. Support for Sabah PKR was overwhelming at the height of its formation in Sabah. If the 2008 elections results are used as a barometer for the Opposition’s strength, it could be said that the Opposition was relatively popular among the Kadazandusun voters. A closer look at the results indicate a swing toward the Opposition in the Kadazandusun areas. At the state level, the PBS’s share of the Kadazandusun votes was 32.91 percent while Sabah PKR 33.6 percent (Table 1). Sabah PKR also appeared to obtain more popular votes (35.02 percent) at the parliament level compared to PBS 24.55 percent. The results show that Sabah PKR managed to increase its popularity among the Kadazandusun voters. There are two main reasons to account for this swing. First, some Kadazandusuns were attracted to Sabah PKR’s promise to restore political autonomy in Sabah. Second, some were disappointed with Joseph Pairin Kitingan’s leadership and his failure in addressing issues such as illegal immigrants, regional economic imbalance and so on. They saw Sabah PKR as an “alternative” to PBS.

Sabah PKR, however, failed to maintain its strong presence in Sabah. Internal conflicts and squabblings among its leaders have weakened Sabah PKR. It faced a major crisis after Jeffrey Kitingan withdrew from the party and formed an NGO called UBF (United Borneo Front). Crisis in Sabah PKR intensified after its chief Pajudin Nordin resigned and joined Sabah UMNO. The introduction of a Presidential Council during the interim period before crisis in Sabah PKR is solved will do little to bring Sabah PKR to its former glory. Unless new breed of leaders with fresh and progressive ideas introduced, Sabah PKR will not be able to give real challenge to Musa and Sabah BN. With the continuing and unsettled problems in Sabah PKR, Musa has moved a step further in consolidating his power by ensuring that support for Sabah BN is solidified. With the 13th general election looms, the prospect of Sabah BN to retaining power is bright. Compared to his counterpart in Sarawak who is battling to stay in power, Musa will continue to lead Sabah as long as he is able to unite the Sabah BN parties and to maintain good relations with the Federal Government. It is worth noting that when presenting the 2011 State Budget, Musa announced an increase in the special allocation given to state constituency of RM1 million from RM600,000 previously. Musa also announced an increase in allocation to help the needy in each consituency to RM100,000. With the popularity of the “politics of development” among the rural people, Musa is sure having their support intact.

Key Economic Outlook

Sabah has registered a positive trade balance between 2006 and 2009 (Figure 1). This may be due to high demand for palm oil and crude petroleum worldwide. From January to June 2010, palm oil and crude petroleum accounted for 33 percent and 38 percent of Sabah’s commodities export (Figure 2). Sabah’s economy is set to be robust if the demand for these two commodities remain high. Sabah’s economy is also expected to register a healthy growth next year with the arrival of 2.5 million tourists that could earn the state more than RM5 billion in revenue. With the slogan “High Yiled, Longer Stay, Less Is More, tourism industry is set to play an important role in Sabah’s economic development.
Sabah has seen its GDP increasing consistently from 2002 to 2006 (Figure 3). In 2007, Sabah GDP’s was RM27 billion and increased by about 7 percent to RM29 billion in 2008. Along with the increase in GDP is an increase in Sabah’s per capita income. In 2007, per capita income in Sabah was RM12,583 and increased to RM17,239 in 2008 (Figure 4). While Musa and the Sabah BN have reason to smile for Sabah’s healthy economic growth, more have to be done to address a number of socio-economic concerns. The incidence of overty remains high in Sabah at 23 percent compared to national average of 6 percent. The World Bank’s calculation for poverty in Sabah is even higher at more than 23 percent (Figure 5). Sabah has also registered high incidence of hardcore poverty at 7 percent compared to national average of 1.2 percent. Unemployment rate in Sabah is also high at 6.1 percent in the first quarter of 2009 compared to national average of 4.0 percent. To address the problem of poverty, Sabah has allocated RM162 million to initiate poverty eradication excercises. On top of this allocation is the Federal Government’s assistance of RM40 million under the 1 Azam Programme.

Sabah is also expected to benefit from the ETP (Economic Transformation Plan) through the 71 high-income projects earmarked for the state. 25 of such projects will be developed in rural areas while the rest in urban areas. The projects are not only expected to create jobs for the local people but to increase the state’s GDP and income level. The main challenge for the Sabah BN, however, is to generate economic growth through domestic-initiated investments which could add value to Sabah’s economic strengths. The promises made to develop the SDC (Sabah Development Corridor) must be fulfilled through sound and effective economic policies. The onus is on Musa and Sabah BN to prove that the SDC is not more than a political gimmick but a practical economic plan to develop Sabah.

Conclusion

With the present political atmosphere, it is expected that Sabah BN will continue to lead Sabah and that Musa will continue to helm the government. The Opposition appears to be unable to pose a real challenge due to internal conflicts. Even though Sabah’s economy has registered a healthy growth, there are concerns about the incidence of poverty and unemployment that the government must address.

An Early Analysis of the Batu Sapi By Election: The Winner and Loser

2010-10-23T09:45:00.000-07:00

What will be the main issues in the by-election?

SAPP will be campaigning along state-related issues such as the 20-point and autonomy for Sabah. PKR will be campaigning along the same issues and will entice the voters by claiming that it is a national party whose track record has been proven after the 2008 election. PBS will focus on its performance in Batu Sapi under the late Chong and that it is a popular local-based party to represent Sabahans at the federal level. PBS will also harp on the slogan 1Malaysia by the Najib Administration and will remind the voters that BN is their only hope.

Who are the candidates and what are their chances?

It has been revealed that SAPP President Yong Teck Lee will stand on SAPP ticket while PKR will be represented by a prominent lawyer, Ansari Abdullah. The indication is strong that PBS will be fielding Chong’s wife, Linda. If the battle is between SAPP and PBS, SAPP would stand a good chance of winning. SAPP is a local-based party that has gained prominence for championing Sabah issues. Regional sentiments are still very strong in Sabah and SAPP knows how to play with them very well. For many Sabahans, SAPP is the new “champion” of Sabah, a role that used to be played by PBS. To some Sabahans, PBS has lost its “claws” and its president Pairin is seen as Chief Minister Musa’s blue-eyed boy. Ansari is an outsider to the Batu Sapi people. So, his chances are quite slim. Further, many people have become disenchanted with PKR for its failure in playing its role as a credible opposition party in Sabah. With Jeffrey now distancing himself from PKR, it would be difficult for the party to win. The series of in-fightings and struggle for power will reduce PKR’s chances of gaining the upper hand. If Linda is chosen, it is going to be difficult for SAPP and PKR to deny BN any chance to win. Being the wife of Chong, the people’s sympathy will play a big role come polling day.

How will the voters vote?

Batu Sapi has a majority of Chinese voters. The Chinese votes will split between SAPP and PBS. PKR will receive only a small number of Chinese votes. The Muslim Bumiputera votes will go to PBS. Their votes will be a sign of endorsement to Sabah UMNO. The non-Muslim votes will also be split between SAPP and PBS. Again, PKR will be at the receiving end. So, it will be a tough fight between SAPP and PBS.

Which party will eventually win in the by-election?

PBS will win with a reduced majority. SAPP will come second followed by PKR. There are many factors that will influence the voters’ decisions. First, the voters will vote for PBS because of their sympathy to Linda. So, even if PBS wins, it will not show anything about the voters’ endorsement to PBS and BN. Second, the large number of voters who will vote for SAPP will indicate a strong endorsement to the party’s role in championing Sabah issues. Thirdly, with only a minimal number of votes going to PKR, the party has a lot more to do to convince Sabahans that it is a party to serve their interests in Sabah.

Hari Malaysia dan Isu Sabah

2010-09-15T07:27:00.000-07:00

Setelah sekian lama menunggu, akhirnya Kerajaan Malaysia di bawah pimpinan Najib Razak mengistiharkan 16 September sebagai cuti umum. 16 September juga akan diraikan bersama dengan rakyat Sabah esok. Bagi rakyat Sabah, tarikh ini amat signifikan kerana ia mengingatkan mereka tentang pembentukkan Malaysia pada 16 September 1963. Adakah pengiktirafan ini akan berjaya "melembutkan" hati rakyat Sabah dan seterusnya dapat mempertahankan kedudukan BN? Mungkin ya dan mungkin tidak.

Namun, bagi pendapat saya, BN perlu bekerja lebih keras dan tidak cukup dengan hanya memberi pengiktirafan kepada 16 September sahaja. Dalam tulisan ini, saya, antara lainnya, ingin mengulas kenyataan Ketua Menteri Musa Aman dua bulan lepas yang mana beliau mengatakan rakyat Sabah akan menolak pihak pembangkang yang "berangan-angan" untuk merampas Sabah daripada BN. Mengikut perkembangan semasa, ini memang benar lebih-lebih lagi dengan tumpuan yang diberikan oleh Kerajaan Persekutuan kepada Sabah dan kelemahan pihak pembangkang mengimbangi populariti BN. Namun, Musa dan BN perlu berhati-hati kerana rakyat Sabah mampu membuat kejutan. Masih ingat tahun 1985 apabila Kerajaan Negeri pimpinan Harris Salleh daripada BERJAYA tumbang? Ramai yang tidak menyangka pemimpin kuat dan berpandangan jauh seperti Harris boleh ditundukkan oleh parti "underdog" PBS. Para pengundi hanya menunggu saat yang sesuai untuk mengekspresikan hak demokratik mereka. Aspirasi Musa dan BN untuk melihat Sabah kekal di bawah kuasa BN boleh tercapai jika perkara-perkara berikut ditangani segera.

1. Bertindak menyelesaikan masalah pendatang tanpa izin (PTI) di Sabah. Musa dan BN hanya perlu menunjukkan kesanggupan politik ("political will") untuk menyelesaikan masalah ini. PBS sudah meletakkan "dateline" supaya isu ini dapat diselesaikan. Namun, Musa dan BN harus bertindak dengan lebih pragmatik. Mereka hanya perlu memilih sama ada:

mengekalkan PTI dan membenarkan mereka bekerja dalam sektor- sektor kritikal yang memerlukan buruh asing;
melaksanakan program komprehensif untuk menangani masalah PTI. Ini termasuklah membuat satu pelan tindakan yang mempunyai KPI ("Key Performance Index"). Jika KPI tidak tercapai, maka, Musa dan BN harus berani menerima kegagalan mereka. Agak aneh isu PTI tidak dimasukkan ke dalam NKRAs ("National Key Result Areas") yang diumumkan oleh Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Idris Jala baru-baru ini. Segelintir pemimpin BN juga diam apabila rakyat Sabah menunjukkan kegusaran mereka; dan,
menghantar pulang semua PTI

Musa harus bertindak segera bagi mengembalikan keyakinan rakyat Sabah. Isu PTI harus ditangani secara "head-on" dan bukan "hangat-hangat tahi ayam".

2. Menyakinkan Sabah bahawa UMNO bukan datang untuk menjajah atau merampas sumber asli negeri tetapi membantu membangunkan sosio-ekonomi rakyat. Kita membaca baru-baru ini cubaan beberapa pemimpin UMNO untuk mengambilalih Tanjong Kapur, Merotai dan Putatan. Ini adalah sesuatu yang tidak sihat dan bercanggah dengan kenyataan Najib supaya ahli-ahli BN tidak menimbulkan isu peruntukan kerusi pilihanraya. Jika benar Musa dan BN serius, budaya politik UMNO harus diubah iaitu mengambil kira sensitiviti parti BN lain dan semua suku kaum di Sabah.

3. Memastikan ekonomi Sabah tetap mapan dan pembahagian kekayaan negeri dibahagi sama rata untuk kepentingan rakyat. Musa dan BN harus menumpukan kepada pembangunan infrastruktur seperti hospital, sekolah dan kemudahan awam. Musa dan BN harus meletakkan kebajikan rakyat sebagai prioriti. Musa dan BN juga harus memastikan harga barangan tidak dinaikkan sesuka hati oleh para peniaga. Di sebuah restoran di Luyang, semangkuk "Kolo Mee" dijual dengan harga RM7.00 - RM8.00! Begitu juga dengan harga rumah. Kebanyakkan golongan berpendapatan pertengahan tidak mampu membeli rumah terutama sekali yang berdekatan dengan bandar. Ini kerana harga rumah yang terlalu mahal dan dipengaruhi oleh faktor spekulasi. Jika mereka tidak mampu membeli rumah, apalagi golongan yang berpendapatan rendah. Musa dan BN harus melihat kepada kepentingan rakyat secara menyeluruh dan memastikan golongan tamak haloba tidak "mengambil kesempatan dalam kesempitan"

4. Antara aset penting Sabah ialah kekayaan flora dan faunanya. Musa dan BN harus memastikan khazanah penting ini dipelihara bagi kepentingan generasi akan datang. Mereka harus memastikan penerokaan sumber tenaga dilaksanakan secara "sustainable". Musa dan BN harus tegas dengan pendirian Kerajaan Negeri untuk tidak membina penjana kuasa arang batu di Lahad Datu. Jika Kerajaan Negeri serius dengan usaha penerokaan sumber tenaga alternatif, maka perancangan jangkamasa panjang haruslah dibuat dan dibentangkan kepada rakyat.

5. Selain kekayaan flora dan fauna, Sabah juga dikenali dengan masyarakat berbilang kaum. Musa dan BN harus serius dan berusaha mengekalkan keunikan masyarakat berbilang kaum Sabah dan memastikan layanan sama rata untuk semua etnik dan agama. Musa dan pemimpin BN lain haruslah mendahului pelaksanan polisi 1Malaysia kerana Sabah dianggap oleh Najib sebagai contoh atau model bagi perpaduan kaum di Malaysia. Polisi 1Malaysia ini tidak cukup hanya dilaung-laungkan dalam bentuk retorik kerana ia harus diterjemahkan dalam bentuk tindakan. Mampukah Musa dan BN turun padang dan membuktikan 1Malaysia berjaya? Jika mampu, rakyat akan sokong termasuklah saya.

6. Musa dan BN harus menangani isu tanah. Ramai pemohon tanah menunggu lama untuk melihat permohonan mereka diluluskan. Musa dan BN harus mencari jalan untuk mengatasi masalah ini. Bagi saya, masalah ini boleh diselesaikan jika puncanya dikenalpasti dan ada keseriusan pada pihak tertentu untuk menyelesaikannya. Rakyat Sabah juga harus dilindungi supaya golongan tamak haloba tidak merampas tanah kepunyaan mereka.

7. Profesor Undang-Undang dan Sejarah Ranjit Singh membuat segelintir orang marah apabila beliau mengatakan sudah tiba masanya rakyat Sabah mengubah persepsi mereka tentang kedudukan Sabah dalam Malaysia. Beliau mengatakan Sabah adalah salah sebuah negeri dalam Malaysia dan bukan sebuah negara yang berhak mendapat layanan istimewa. Ini kerana pemimpin Sabah "bersetuju" untuk meletakkan Sabah di bawah sebuah persekutuan dan "akur" dengan lunas-lunas perlembagaan semasa Malaysia dibentuk. Secara teknikal, Ranjit memang benar tetapi Laporan IGC (Inter Governmental Committee) dan Perkara 20 telah dipersetujui untuk dijadikan asas bagi penyertaan Sabah ke dalam Persekutuan Malaysia. Maka, apa yang sudah dipersetujui haruslah dihormati. Ini kesempatan bagi Musa dan pemimpin BN Sabah untuk mengingatkan Kerajaan Persekutuan pentingnya Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 dihormati semua pihak. Bagi saya, tidak salah bagi Musa dan BN Sabah untuk merujuk perkara dalam Perjanjian Malaysia yang sudah dilanggar dan meminta Kerajaan Persekutuan menelitinya. Rakyat Sabah secara amnya bersetuju untuk terlibat dalam proses integrasi nasional tetapi ini harus dilaksanakan dalam konteks Perjanjian Malaysia 1963.

Sebenarnya, banyak lagi perkara yang harus ditangai oleh Musa dan BN. Senarai yang saya berikan cumalah sebahagian yang sempat saya tulis. Sempena dengan sambutan Hari Malaysia, Musa dan pemimpin BN Sabah harus menggunakan kesempatan ini untuk menyalurkan isi hati rakyat Sabah mengenai isu-isu negeri yang sudah lama dan masih belum dapat diselesaikan. Sebagai pengundi, saya berhak menyarankan cadangan kepada Musa dan BN (termasuk wakil rakyat saya di Sipitang) supaya bekerja lebih keras demi membangun rakyat dan negeri Sabah. Pemimpin yang baik ialah seorang yang akur dan tunduk kepada kemahuan rakyat, dan bersedia untuk menampilkan sikap kebertanggungjawaban ("accountability"). Pemimpin-pemimpin kita harus belajar daripada pemimpin-pemimpin negara Britain dan Amerika Syarikat. Mereka dibayar mahal dan sanggup "dibuang" jika pengundi merasakan mereka tidak berperanan seperti yang diharapkan.

Jika Musa dan BN bersedia untuk mendengar luahan hati rakyat dan bekerja dengan lebih keras, maka, mereka tidak perlu risau dengan aktiviti pihak pembangkang. Pihak pembangkang pula haruslah mengimbangi lawan mereka dengan memperkenalkan polisi-polisi alternatif dan bukan menyerang peribadi lawan.

Dan yang paling penting, marilah kita rakyat Malaysia menggunakan kesempatan ini untuk memperbaharui komitmen kita mempertahankan negara Malaysia yang berbilang kaum, berbilang agama, stabil dan aman.

Selamat Menyambut Hari Malaysia!!!

Hulu Selangor By-Election: A Vote for Development (Money)

2010-04-25T20:35:00.000-07:00

The results of the Hulu Selangor by-election do not come as a surprise to me. Of course, I predicted that PKR would win based on ground sentiments and rift over the choice of BN's candidate. However, I was underestimating BN's capability in manipulating the three Ms (money, media and machinery) (nowadays, it seems like BN is campaigning everyday--even during non-election days--through its propaganda apparatuses namely TV1, TV2 and TV3). Of all the three Ms, it was the first "M" (BN called it "development") which became the decisive factor that turned the tide in Hulu Selangor against PKR. The short campaign period of seven days also proved to be disadvantageous to PKR as they relied on sentiments and national issues to win votes. If you want to convince the voters that sentiments plus issues are more important than development (money) then you need to have more than seven days to change the voters' minds, especially among those who are less educated and less exposed to the media.

BN went all out dispensing huge amount of money to the electorate. Zaid claimed that the ruling coalition spent about RM64 million to win Hulu Selangor while Anwar said it was RM100 million. BN did not need more than seven days to attack Zaid's character and to give cash to the voters. The Felda settlers who have waited for 15 years for the relevant parties to solve their problems, had BN come to their rescue. This forces one to think: why was compensation not given to them when BN was in power? Why only now? Did BN was so desperate to win Hulu Selangor that it did not mind "throwing" money there to prove its "commitment" to develop the area?

Here, I provide to you the amount of money BN spent to win Hulu Selangor. Note that some of the figures were not in the form of on-the-spot endownments (corruption?). They were part of BN's pledge for Hulu Selangor's long-term development should the voters return it to power.

During his visit to an ailing kidney patient, Najib "announced that the Federal Government would allocate RM15,000 a month or RM180,000 annually as welfare assistance for 53 families". At the same time, Najib also "approved RM30,000 for Kelab Muhibbah Kampung Baru, Kuala Kubu Baru to construct a new building" (The Star, 25 April 2010)
The Chinese in Rasa had reason to be happy when Najib allocated RM3 million to build a new school for them (The Star, 25 April 2010)
The Indians were also not spared from receiving a "goodie" from the Prime Minister. Najib gave a letter of undertaking to the Seri Maha Mariamman Temple in Kalumpang so that they could build a new temple on a piece of land. Of course, they would only get what is promised to them if they voted for BN (The Star, 25 April 2010)
In an attempt to win the votes of the former Felda settlers in Sungai Buaya, Najib plegded to pay them RM18.15 million for having had to wait the payment for the sale of their lands. Some of them received RM50 000 (RM49 000 as a bank draft and RM1000 in cash) (New Straits Times, 24 April, 2010). But that was not it. Najib also pledged to pay the remaining compensation money "at a rate of RM160 000 per acre when the land is developed". Again, this would come with a price: the voters must vote for BN in order the "facilitate" the remaining payment once the land is developed. The former settlers were also given an insurance policy worth RM10 000 (The Star, 25 April 2010)
After Sungai Buaya, Najib approved another allocation of RM90 000 to a local Chinese association to upgrade a road leading to a cemetary (New Straits Times, 24 April, 2010)

Of course, there were allegations that PKR also used money to "entice" the voters. But providing bottled drinks and meals to election workers and to people who attended ceramahs could not be misconstrued as political corruption (what do you think?). If we say the voters were enticed to vote for PKR just for a less than RM5 meal, we would have insulted their intelligence. Were they that cheap? Najib defended his "shopping spree" in Hulu Selangor saying that the money spent was for projects the people wanted. Fine, good that the Prime Minister was concerned about the people, following his "People First Performance Now" slogan. However, why set a condition for the people that they would only be helped when they vote for BN? Didn't Najib represent the Government of Malaysia and thus it is his responsibility to help the people irrespective their political affiliations and idealisms?

Zaid was banking on his charisma and experience in the federal cabinet, plus his outspokenness on national issues such as ISA (International Security Act), human rights and freedom of speech. The problem is, if you take these issues to a semi-urban area like Hulu Selangor, you might be seen as an idealistic university professor talking to a bunch of fresh graduates. No, I am not saying that the Hulu Selangor voters are incapable of understanding national issues. I am simply being realistic about local politics. A local guy who understands local issue and "local language" might have been more appropriate to stand in order to wrest Hulu Selangor from BN. Hulu Selangor was once a PKR seat but do not forget it had been a BN stronghold before it fell to PKR in 2008. And the vote margin obtained by the PKR candidate in 2008 was less than 200 votes. So, by allowing an "outsider" to take on BN in Hulu Selangor, PKR's chances of winning might have been slightly reduced. Also, fielding a Malay-Muslim with a less liberal outlook might have been more suitable as the battle ground clearly is in the Malay heartlands of Hulu Selangor.

BN said that the party's victory in Hulu Selangor is a mandate to Najib's administration and an endorsement of his 1Malaysia concept, NEM (New Economic Model) and other policies. However, take a closer look: Zaid also obtained a substantial number of votes in the by election. If we translate his popular votes into percentage it would be 48.21 percent compared to BN's 51.78 percent. This is just 3.57 percent difference. BN's supporters can claim the Hulu Selangor victory a referendum or sorts for Najib's leadership but it is one which was attained not on a level playing field. If BN did not use money to entice the voters, if it let the media to report without fear and favour, if it allowed a healthy debate between Kamal and Zaid, if the voters were allowed to vote without a third party's interference, if it let the Election Commission (EC) to act independently, then, yes, BN's victory in Hulu Selangor, is indeed an endorsement of Najib's leadership. Having said all of these, I would say that BN's victory in Hulu Selangor is not Najib's best performance yet. So, he and BN cannot be complacent.

My take on the by-election is that the Hulu Selangor voters voted for development (money) than change. Change might be something that can be easily swallowed in the US (in the case of Obama's presidential victory) but in Malaysia it is not the case. If the Opposition is banking on the word "change" to stay relevant, then it has to educate Malaysians what it entails and how it matters to them. Otherwise, they will view development (read, again, money) as far more important that change. Also, the Opposition cannot solely depend on the public persona of its key leaders to initiate sweeping reform in the country. It has to strengthen its grassroots party machineries and search for young, aggressive and dynamic blood to steer the party. At the rate the Opposition is going, I do not think it is capable of providing any strong challenge to BN let alone take over the government in the upcoming general elections. Not yet. I see the Opposition's performance in Sabah and it is quite appalling.

I am Malaysian and proud of it!!!

2010-04-21T02:53:00.000-07:00

The Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin said that he is Malay first then Malaysian. With all due respect, that is his choice and it is none of our business to dispute that. I asked my students if they are Malaysian first then followed by their ethnic group: I had more than half responding in the affirmative. When it was my turn to respond, I said that I am Malaysian and followed by my ethnic group. Then, I went on to explain why I considered myself as a proud Malaysian.

My father is a Filipino who migrated to Malaysia in 1959, that was two years after Malaysia's independence. To be more specific, he comes from the Illocano ethnic tribe who lives on the Ilo-Ilo Islands in Central Luzon. The Illocanos are known for their warmth and generosity. That is why my father's small business in Sipitang is not profitable as he is too generous with tenants who flaunt their unpaid house rentals. For my father, the proclamation of Malaysia as a new nation in 1963 was unforgettable as he was one of those hopeful immigrants who witnessed the historic event. All in all, my father has been in Malaysia for more than 50 good years. He tried to apply for a Malaysian citizenship more than three times but to no avail. When I wrote to the Ministry of Home Affairs asking why his application had been turned down, it replied that it was the prerogative of the Minister to approve or disapprove my father's application. Yes, no reasons given! Had my father changed his religion and name, he would have become a Malaysian citizen long time ago. However, he was not the type of person who was willing to compromise his principle. Despite living in the evangelical tradition of ours, my father has remained steadfast to his Roman Catholic faith. My father does not have a formal education and has been a tractor driver all his life. He speaks good Bahasa Malaysia and has pledged loyalty to the country. All he wants in his life is to become a Malaysian citizen (p/s: my father is a strong PBS and Pairin supporter, too. And he told me that he once worked with Chief Minister Musa Aman's timber company)

My mother is a Lundayeh from Sipitang. The Lundayeh is believed to have originated from Pa' Kemaluh in Kalimantan Indonesia. Her race is loosely categorised as Dayak by the authority there. While my grandfather is a Lundayeh, my grandmother is a Lengilu. Some say the Lengilu is one of the fiercest ethnic tribes in Kalimantan those days. The Lengilus regarded headhunting as a way of life and symbolised pride and honour. My wife is a Kenyah-Kelabit from Long Lellang in Miri, Sarawak. The only way to get there is through logging roads and by small aircraft. In Sarawak, her ethnic tribe is loosely described as "Orang Ulu" (up-river people). My wife speaks fluently in three different languages: Kenyah, Kelabit and Iban. To my surprise, when I first met her, she spoke in Iban with her father and mother! When I went to the Registration Department to register my newborn, I put Kenyah as her race, following her mum's. I had no choice, I could not leave the race and religion columns blank as this would pose trouble to my child later. Do not forget, this is Malaysia.

Did you all get the whole picture? Due to this complex ethnic diversity, I consider myself unique and this in all make me a proud Malaysian. I do not care what those people want to call me. I remember when I was a little kid, I used to be called "anak pelipin" (son to a Filipino). Those days (and I believe even today), when you were a Filipino, the locals would see you negatively because they would associate you with all sorts of social problems like murder, robbery and what not. Coincidently, yes, Filipinos at one time topped the list in police statistics. However, recent data has shown that more and more locals are involved in criminal acts. Of course, there are locals who try to dispute this but I have nothing to say to them. Look at the facts and be receptive to them. I scolded my students who used the word "pilak" to call Filipinos from the southern Philippines. The word carries a very negative connotation that implies social backwardness and ineptitude. I told my students to be fair to immigrants who come to the country to earn money and to live peacefully. Of course, those who come illegally must be sent back and those who have broken the country's laws must not be allowed to return until they "repent".

So, you see, our society has been programmed to look at things according to the racial lenses. Racial stereotype is still very strong in Malaysia. We should learn from the Americans who are colour-blind and who regard themselves as Americans first and followed by their ethnic origin. Unless we change our mindset, we can say goodbye to "1Malaysia". I have nothing but scorn for Malaysians who are chauvinistic and narrowed-minded about their race. So, you can call me a Lundayeh, a Filipino, "anak pelipin", a "pilak", a Kelabit, a Kenyah, an Iban, and what not. I just do not care because I am Malaysian and proud of it!

Allah or other name, let us not blanket ourselves with religious bigotry

2010-01-07T23:45:00.000-08:00

The attacks on churches in Klang Valley are indeed despicable and an act of cowardice. The government must take every possible action to bring the perpetrators to justice and to ensure that the safety of Christians are given the utmost importance. I have just returned from class and discussed the Allah issue with my students. Of course, there were disagreements towards whether the Christians should be allowed to use the word or not. The disagreements were primarily theological and historical but I do not want to argue about either one of them here in this blog. Despite the disagreements, we hastened to believe that there is hope for Malaysia to become a model for inter-religious and inter-racial harmony if the issue is tackled justly, taking into consideration the interest of the country as a whole. The government must do what is RIGHT for the country and not being influenced by a few people who have the agenda to undermine the country's religious tolerance. Personally, I am shocked to learn that such attacks have happened in Malaysia that claims itself to be a "model" Islamic country. I received a message from a friend telling me about the attacks. At first, I did not believe that such thing would happen in Malaysia especially after the government has given the assurance that it would make sure no untoward incidences would happen while waiting for the court to make its decision on the Allah issue.

If the government wants to maintain Malaysia's image as a "model" Islamic country and to ensure a continued peace and stability, it has to do the following actions--and they must be done immediately.

First, the government has to consider establishing a National Religious Council to advise it on matters related to religion. So far, the government has only one religious adviser with a ministerial portfolio in the Prime Minister's Department. The government must accept the fact that Malaysia is also home to numerous religious adherents who want their rights to be protected. Having a permanent National Religious Council will ensure that issues related to religious sensitivity are dealt with rationally and justly. This Religious Council should act not only as an advisory body but as the highest decision-making entity to oversee religious affairs in the country. As I wrote before in this blog, membership in the Council has to reflect Malaysia's diverse religious communities. We can call the Council 1Malaysia National Religious Council. Again, as I suggested in my earlier posting, the head of the Council has to be rotated among the main religious leaders in Malaysia.

Second, the government must initiate a regular inter-religious dialogue among religious leaders in the country. This inter-religious dialogue must serve as a platform for the religious leaders to find a common ground and to determine universal religious values that are acceptable to all Malaysians. If Muslims, Christians and other religious adherents share a common ground and promote the same universal religious values, I believe any issue related to religion can be dealt with easily.

Third, the government must not practice double standard in addressing religious issues. Even though Islam is clearly stated as the official religion in the country, the government must CONVINCE Malaysians that it is also a government that champions the religious freedom of others. It is indeed time for Najib to prove that his 1Malaysia concept is not just a political rhetoric but a workable slogan that can be translated into real actions for the benefits of all Malaysians.

For all Malaysians, we can play our part in preserving the religious harmony in our country. We do not have to go to the streets to demonstrate, to throw Molotov cocktails to intimidate others, to write inflammable comments to incite fear and anger, or to resort to all kinds of actions that do not help to calm the tension among Malaysians.

I call on all Malaysians to view this issue seriously and to speak up in defense of religious freedom in Malaysia. I know for sure that a lot of Malaysians out there are concerned about what is happening but have chosen to be in the silent minority. I call these people the "progressives" and "moderates". I sincerely believe that Malaysia's hope now lies in the action of these people who want to see the country to move forward and who regard the Allah issue as "petty". Our real concern should be how to develop the economy, how to produce university students of high quality, how to reduce the incidence of poverty, how to achieve the so-called Vision 2020, and other numerous challenges that will determine Malaysia's success in the international arena. Seeing the whole episode of the Kartika incidence and now the Allah issue, I can only conclude that unless there is a drastic change in Malaysia, it will never achieve its dream of becoming a developed country in 2020. A developed country will not allow its citizens to spend much of their quality time to argue endlessly about religion. So, really, the choice is in our hands.

Our Three Merdeka Challenges

2009-09-20T21:51:00.000-07:00

On the 15th September 2009, I was invited to give a talk on the formation of Malaysia in 1963. Other speakers who were invited were Ansari Abdullah, a prominent lawyer and PKR supremo, Datuk Kalakau Untol, the President of USDA (United Sabah Dusun Association), former member of the Dewan Negara, Datuk Karim Ghani , former PBS Supreme Council Member and human rights activist, Dr. Chong Eng Leong, and MD Mutalib, a writer who is known for his works on illegal immigrants in Sabah. Here's the English translation of my speech. Comments are welcome.

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First of all, I would like to thank the committee of this merdeka celebration for inviting me to give a talk. It is indeed an honour for me to share my thoughts on the meaning of merdeka particularly on the significance of the formation of Malaysia in 1963. But before I continue, let me be honest with you all that I do not intend to re-interpret the history regarding the formation of Malaysia in 1963. I think everyone of us here knows the significance of the event that led to the formation of our country we call Malaysia. But here’s what I want to share with you today: I want to share with you the three main challenges that we as Malaysians will face as we move forward to realise our dream of becoming a developed nation by the year 2020. I think our merdeka celebration will be meaningful if we mobilise our efforts in overcoming these challenges. The meaning of merdeka for me is not just about freeing ourselves from the yolk of colonisation or being empowered to decide what is best for our country; merdeka for me is more than that: it is about realising the challenges that are real to our nation and focusing our struggle on findings ways and means to overcome those challenges. Let me warn you that Malaysia as a nation is doomed to fail if these challenges are not addressed.

The first challenge that we will be confronted with is how to maintain the inter-racial and inter-religious harmony in our country. To me merdeka means nothing if we are still unable to live in peace and harmony despite our racial and religious differences. The key to achieve this is tolerance. Tolerance means “the willingness to accept other people’s behaviour and beliefs, although one might not agree with or approve of them”. The recent controversy over the relocation of a Hindu temple in Selangor shows that the message of tolerance is still not widespread among some segments of society. To make matters worse, some politicians show no sensitivity over the issue. To say that a cow’s head symbolises the stupidity of the Selangor Government, in itself, is an act of stupidity of the highest order. Don’t these people realise that a cow is considered sacred by the Hindus? I still remember that when I was in secondary school, I learnt how to be tolerant to my Muslim friends. My room was located next to a surau. When the azan prayer was performed, I was the first person to wake up. At first, it really annoyed me and I didn’t know how to complain. But living in a multi-racial and multi-religious country, I taught myself to be tolerant. And I was able to tolerate the azan prayer for years until I left boarding school. A couple of years ago, I went to Sibu to do a field research. I had a chance to visit the Sibu night market. What I saw in the market was really interesting: a Muslim woman selling her kuih-muih next to a Chinese who was selling pork meat. Just several days ago, I visited one of the prominent Muslim political figures in Sabah. What surprised me was that he asked his wife to prepare coffee and biscuits for me! When the wife came, she “accidently” offered a drink to her husband. And her husband cheekily said, “kau tidak taukah kita puasa?” The wife responded, “oh…ya…kan, lupa pula, nilah orang tua”.

We are fortunate that in Sabah the different ethnic groups are able to live peacefully and harmoniously. We should maintain this reciprocity among races and avoid making any attempts that could cause racial and religious conflicts. As long as the 1Malaysia expression in Sabah is intact, I can foresee that Sabah will remain a model for inter-racial and inter-religious harmony in Malaysia. But we may not be able to achieve this if the present political culture remains. This brings me to my next point.

The second challenge is our readiness to move from communal politics to a multi-racial one. Let me explain to you what I mean by communal politics using a very simple illustration. So many people in Sabah are quite critical of UMNO. They say that UMNO is a Malay party and should not meddle, for instance, in the affairs of the Kadazan, Dusun, or Bajau people. But if UMNO is sincere in fighting for the well-being of the indigenous people, I think, it is fairly justified for the party to spread its wings in Sabah. It is good to see that more and more Kadazan, Dusun, and Bajau leaders are now in UMNO. This means that they want to use a powerful party like UMNO to help develop their respective communities. Whether they are successful or not is for the people to judge. The point that I want to make is we can use any party as our platform to pursue our struggle provided we are sincere and honest. But sadly not many politicians nowadays are willing to set aside their personal agenda and be honest and sincere in their struggles. The calls to put the people first is indeed laudable but let us be honest and look around us: how many politicians out there are really serious in putting the people above anything else?

I hope to see a Malay leader, for example, that understands the plights of the Kadazan and Dusun people and is ready to fight for them. In the same way, I hope to see a Kadazan or Dusun leader that fights for the Bajau and Murut people; and a Christian wakil rakyat that sincerely represents his or her predominantly Muslim constituency in parliament. If there is one party that can serve Malaysians well, in my humble opinion, it should be a party that fights for the rights of all ethnic communities in Malaysia. We have seen the struggle of some of the great leaders in our country such as the late Syed Hussien Alatas who co-founded the Malaysian People’s Movement. Alatas was committed in forming a political party that catered for the needs of all ethnic groups and one that cared for social justice and equality among races. Even though he is no longer with us, his ideas on multi-racial politics live on. We should also not forget the struggle of the founding members of Malaysia for their success in gathering people from all walks of life to agree on what our country should be like. Sadly, many of us today choose not to honour the foundation that our founding fathers had laid down for us. That is why, I think, it is critical for the younger generation to re-read and understand the historical background of the formation of Malaysia. When I say re-read, it means asking critical questions and demanding answers from the powers-that-be because they are the ones who normally distort historical facts.

Of course, it is difficult to “re-programme” our minds not to look exclusively for the interests of our own ethnic groups. But if we want to see a sustained racial and religious tolerance in Malaysia, we do not have any other CHOICE but to ABANDON our penchant of using race and religion to win political support.

The third challenge is to maintain racial and religious diversity in Malaysia. Malaysia’s strengths lies in its racial and religious diversity and nothing else. In order to do this, the government has to take several steps. First, efforts have to be made to ensure that all the ethnic groups are adequately represented in the civil service and related government agencies. If the government is serious in wanting to transform 1Malaysia into reality, it has to make sure that no ethnic groups are left out in the decision-making process of the country. The private sector has to follow suit. It has to make sure that employment opportunities are given to all irrespective of race and religion. Secondly, economic opportunities have to be based on healthy competition and not preferential treatment. The decision to abolish the 30 percent equity in foreign companies is laudable but it has to be extended in small medium industries and other direct dealings between the government and private individuals. The country’s economic development has to reflect the participation of various races.

I am not saying that the NEP or NDP is no longer relevant. It is relevant if it is meant for all indigenous groups in Malaysia including those in Sabah and Sarawak. Many of the Kadazan, Dusun, Murut and Iban people in the rural areas are still grappling with the issue of poverty. We cannot deny the fact that NEP/NDP has been successful in reducing poverty level among some segments of society, but there is evidence to suggest that the policy has created a widening economic gap between the so-called Bumiputeras in Sabah and Sarawak and the Malays in Peninsular Malaysia. Instead of focusing on inter-ethnic disparity vis-à-vis Chinese and Malays, the government has to turn its attention on the economic problem that occurs at the intra-ethnic level. The point that I am trying to make here is that it is time for the government to bring these policies to the people in the two East Malaysian states. Otherwise, NEP/NDP will continue to be branded as a tool to enrich certain politically well-connected individuals and an affirmative action policy that is specially designed for only one particular ethnic group.

The formation of Malaysia in 1963 was one of the greatest moments in our history. But the younger generation of Malaysians including some in the corridors of powers have forgotten the significance of the event. Our gathering today shows our seriousness in wanting to honour what our founding fathers had laid down for us. But by just remembering what they had done is not enough, we need to look at what lies ahead for Malaysia and mobilise our efforts in overcoming the challenges that we will be confronted with. We do not have any other alternative but to cease thinking that we are different from each other despite our cultural and religious uniqueness. As a young Malaysian who is keen on seeing peace and harmony are maintained in our country, I call on all of you today in this gathering to join me to reject all forms of racial and religious extremism, and the use of race and religion for political expediency. Thank you for listening and Selamat Menyambut Hari Malaysia.

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Dealing With Malaysia's Racial and Religious Diversity...Part 3

2009-03-14T08:01:00.000-07:00

The decision by Syed Hamid Albar, the Minister of Home Affairs, to overrule the earlier gazette which allows the Christians to use the word Allah did not help calm the religious tension in Malaysia. As a result, more and more people in-the-street feel that the government is trying to hide something and that it seems to be influenced more by religious bigots in an otherwise secular Malaysia. But I am optimistic that the recent religious issue can be solved if right thinking Malaysians start to think beyond race and religion. This would involve several steps, some of which are as follows:

let the Christians use of the word Allah. The earlier precedent must be used as a point of reference. There is no evidence to point the use of the word Allah as a means to confuse the Muslim community. However, it must be stated that the word Allah has its own theological and doctrinal underpinnings that are especially held by the Christian community regardless from which denominations they come from. The Christian leaders must convince Malaysians that their use of the word Allah is not meant to confuse anyone. I would suggest an open dialogue between the Christian and Muslim leaders (including those affected by the issue) to create better understanding among them. The dialogue should not be an avenue to determine who is right or wrong. It is a first step towards educating Malaysian that a civil, responsible and intellectual dialogue can be held in Malaysia.

once the government allows the use of the word Allah, the Christian leaders must withdraw their suit against the government. This is to show that they are serious in maintaining inter-religious harmony in Malaysia. Bringing the case to the court will further antagonise the respective parties and this is not healthy to Malaysia in the long run.

the government must consider establishing a National Religious Council (NRC) to advise the government on how to handle religious sensitivities. Its chairmanship must be rotated among leaders of the main religions in Malaysia. This council is to act as religious adviser to the government.

I believe a majority of Malaysians want to see peace and harmony are maintained. I hope to see more and more progressive Malaysians to come forward and support the country's religious freedom and at the same time "tame" the the movement to turn Malaysia into a theocratic state. Let us put a stop to the Allah issue and start concentrating on more important issues such as reviving the economy and developing the people's socio-economic well-being. I would like to end by appending a piece of writing by a Sabahan which I think knows pretty well how a petty issue such as the Allah issue will not do any good but harm to racial and religious harmony in Malaysia.

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Wrangling over a word

By: Amde Sidik

LET me share my experience on the current controversy over the use of the word "Allah".
I'm not arguing about the legality of it since the case is pending before the courts. I'm merely talking about people who I knew for a long time now - the Lundayeh from Sabah, and the Lunbawang from Sarawak. The two are actually of the same ethnicity, but called by two different names in these two different regions. I don't mention other ethnics here, which share the same predicament. The Lundayeh, aren't permitted to use word "Allah" in their prayer book because they are Christian.

This is going by the reason offered by the Home Minister, Datuk Syed Hamid Albar.
The Lundayeh comprise mostly followers of Sidang Injil Borneo (SIB), a relatively new group who professed Christianity due to the efforts of the Borneo Evangelical Mission (BEM).
Hudson Southwell pioneered the mission with his two friends from Melbourne, Australia, who landed in Kuching from Singapore in 1928. They met one of the Rajah Brookes and were given permission to establish this mission. Before Sabah's independence through the formation of Malaysia in 1963, Bahasa Malaysia was already widely spoken throughout Borneo island.
Thus, in mid 60s, BEM changed its name to Sidang Injil Borneo, shortly as SIB.

By the late 50s and early 60s, the religion quickly spread throughout the Brunei Bay region (South West of Borneo). It found its way into Sipitang district, Lawas and Limbang in Sarawak.
The Lundayeh preachers concentrated on their own ethnic group before heading to the interior of Sabah, especially Kota Marudu and Kudat. When I was a child, I used to hear my Lun Dayeh relatives joke about how unsure they were about their new religion, because prior to 1920s most of Borneo people who lived in the interior were animists, and Lundayeh were in the same category until the late 50s.

SIB preachers trained in various places in Sarawak and also in Kalimantan, Indonesia.
Once graduated, these preachers are called Gembala. Linguistically they are very fluent in Bahasa Indonesia. Hence, their Bible came to contain terms very similar to the Malay Muslims like, dosa, syurga, neraka, roh, kiamat, and so on. During my schooling days, especially living in boarding school in the 70s, many of my Lundayeh schoolmates, who were also my relatives and cousins, used to keep their prayer books under their pillows. It was written in Bahasa Indonesia, unlike the Quran, which is written in Arabic.

Hence, in their Bible is mentioned "Allah" in numerous accounts and many other similar terms.
The Kadayan have always been linked with Lundayeh, so too Murut Tagal, Kelabit in Sarawak, and Brunai (Malay Brunei's race). At one time, all except Brunai, were called Orang Darat or people of the interior. My grandfather was a Lun Dayeh adopted by a Kadayan family. He became Muslim, married my grandmother a Kadayan from Sarawak. In Sipitang district, the Lundayeh intermingled with the Kadayan and Brunais since time immemorial and lots of intermarriages have taken place over the centuries. So much so, one can hardly recognise, based on appearance and complexion, whether one is Muslim or not. Even the names sound very much Muslim, Yusuf, Aini, Musa, etc. The modern names of the Lundayeh very much sound Western, such as George, Hendricks, John, etc.

But their last names can be classical, like, Labo, Balang, Singa, Agong, Selutan, Pengiran, etc. My younger brother, a few of my first cousins and I too, have our own Lundayeh name.
Not long ago, if one went to Lawas, in Sarawak, one would find my Lunbawang relatives wearing songkok. Those unfamiliar with the place thought they were Muslim, but they were not.
But my question is, why is it that as time goes by religion becomes a sticking point to our harmony? Political leaders are so bogged down about it when 50 years ago, it was non-issue.
Many of the issues originate from the peninsula and not in Sabah or Sarawak and get blown out of proportion. We end up squabbling over issues which I consider a waste of time and energy when they should be spent on resolving the country's economic problems, unemployment, rising cost of consumer goods, bad roads, toll hike, illegal immigrants etc.

Source: Daily Express, March 15, 2009

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Dealing with Malaysia's Racial and Religious Diversity...Part 2

2009-02-18T01:24:00.000-08:00

It was kind of surprising that the issue regarding the use of the word Allah was allowed to be discussed live on tv. I watched yesterday a discussion about the issue on TV1. The three panelists seemed agree with the view that the word Allah should not be allowed to be used by Christians. They argued that the Muslims have the exclusive right to use the word Allah based on "historical evidence" and the concept of "tauhid" (divinity) taught by the Islamic religion. They were also with the view that allowing the word to be used by Christians would cause confusion among Muslims in Malaysia. One of the panelists further noted that the word Allah is being used by the Catholic Church as part of its strategies to spread Christianity among the young segment of the Muslim community.

It is good that the government has finally relaxed its censorship on issues related to religion to be discussed live. But it is a bit disappointing that the yesterday's discussion did not involve "experts" from other religions such as Christianity and Sikh. It would have been more interesting to listen to their views why the Bahasa Malaysia speaking Christians prefer to use the word Allah and not Tuhan. An avenue must be given to them as well to explain the issue. The Christian Indonesians use the word Allah in their worship and interestingly some of them have different views about the divine nature of Jesus (as some Muslim cannot accept the idea that Jesus is God). Some Christians and Muslims in Indonesia appear to have developed a mutual understanding about who Jesus is and his divine nature (this group of Christians hold the view that Jesus is not God per se but the "word" that became flesh (human) that is Jesus himself). I recently watched a CD where a Christian reverend speaks about the "meeting point" between Christians and Muslims.

He says that instead of debating about who is right and wrong, he suggests that Christians and Muslims take a closer look at how the Prophet Muhammad thinks about Jesus and how the latter possibly thinks about the former. He starts by saying that actually Christians and Muslims share the same God (Allah). He refers to a verse in Genesis which points to the fact that Ishmael and Isaac were given the same teaching from their father Abraham (the father of all nations). The speakers asks his audience: how can it be possible for Abraham to give Ishmael and Isaac a different set of teaching? If Abraham taught his two sons that they were to worship only one God (Allah), is it not plausible to conclude that Muslim and Christians are in fact worshipping the same God (Allah)?

In Sabah, the bahasa Malaysia speaking Christians have never had any problem using the word Allah. Many of them use the Indonesian translation that uses the world Allah to refer to God. The issue became prominent when the Sabah SIB under the tutelage of NECF brought the case to the court. In the meantime, the government has allowed the Herald Bulletin to continue its publication in bahasa Malaysia without using the word Allah until the court decides otherwise. The implications of the Allah issue to Malaysia are enormous:

if the court decides that Allah can only be used by the Muslims, would this mean that the Christian holy book--the Bible--would have to be re-translated and the word Allah changed? The Christians, I suspect, would consider this unfair as others cannot tell them what word they should use in calling their God

if the court decides that the word Allah can be used by the Christians, the Muslim would probably be unhappy as they would think that the Christians are challenging the position of Islam as the official religion in the country

the court's decision may be a victory to one particular group and not the other. But either way, it will certainly create ripples here and there and could possible lead to unmitigated disaster

The way forward to solve any racial and religious issue, to my mind, is for all the concerned parties to go to the negotiating table and talk things over in a responsible and civil manners. I remember the Ibans were the first who felt that their religious rights were taken away from them when their Bible--the Bup Kudus--was confiscated by the Home Ministry as it contained the word "Allah Taala". The matter was resolved when the then acting Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi intervened. If I am not mistaken, the Bup Kudus can retain the word "Allah Taala" but with a caveat that it is strictly for private use only.

I am a firm believer in a consultative process and reaching a middle ground in solving a sensitive issue. I believe that this is the way forward in managing a multiracial and multireligious society. Using a confrontational approach will not do any good to anyone. In Part 3, I would like to offer solutions to the religious impasse.

Just to recap

2009-01-27T23:07:00.000-08:00

Perhaps you may be wondering why this blog has not been updated for weeks. Yes, apart from the Chinese New Year holiday, my mind has been preoccupied with work and other commitments. Okay, here are my picks. In the meantime, I would like to thank my students for visiting my blog and for commenting on my piece about Obama. They seemed interested about what I think of the first black President of the United States of America.

Kuala Terengganu By-Election: A Major Blow to Barisan Nasional and UMNO

It is not surprising that BN had lost in the by-election. Indications during campaigning even strongly suggested that the 'swing' would favour the opposition this time. Analysis after analysis has been put forward to identify the major causes for BN's lost. It might be the candidate or the party itself but what is certain is that some have begun to see the BN as losing its direction and might have to suffer another major defeat come general election in 2011. Three stright losses are something which the BN must seriously ponder upon. It seems that the BN has failed to learn a lesson from its dismal performance in the 2008 general election. One cannot blame Pak Lah and Najib for the lost; the entire BN election machinary and the other component parties within the coalition are partly responsible. The more popular and aggresive the opposition has become, the bigger the cracks are in BN. The BN must seriously identify these cracks and find remedies to patch them up. And this must be done immediately. The opposition has gained a lot from the BN's inability to close ranks. Expect the BN to lose its popularity within months or so. If the opposition mainstains its momentum and aggresively works with the grassroots to achieve its ideals, it stands to take over the government from BN four years from now.

Kadazan or Dusun?

Here we go again. It is case re-opened. Khe Kadazan and Dusun groups are prepared to flex their muscles in yet another war to revive their respective ethnic identities. The issue began when the proponents for the separate Dusun and Kadazan identities argued that it is time to acknowledge the Dusuns and Kadazans as two distinct indigenous people. Recently a well-known Sabah veteran journalist revealed that Donald Stephens had wanted to maintain the ethnic label Kadazan as the preferred name for the indigenous people sharing both the Kadazan and Dusun cultures. It is not a secret that the decision to combine the ethnic names Kadazan and Dusun into once called Kadazandusun was made for the purpose of resolving the then conflict between USDA led by Mark Koding and KCA led by Pairin. USDA never really said that it endorsed the Kadazandusun ethnic label. But the move had bolstered Pairin's position as Huguan Siou of the Kadazandusun community and his support in PBS. No one know for sure why the issue has suddenly resurfaced. Some have said that those who are fighting for separate Kadazan and Dusun ethnic identities want to use the whole issue for political mileage. Would this lead to the formation of new parties, one representing the Dusun and one for the Kadazan? The issue of ethnic label does not affect the Kadazandusun alone. In the remote area of Sipitang, the ethnic minority Lun Dayeh are also in a quagmire over which ethnic label to use. A group of "rejected" (as one senior Lun Dayeh leader called them) Lun Dayeh leaders had initiated the formation of a new association for the Lun Dayeh but using the ethnic label Lun Bawang instead. They said this new association will not overlap with the existing one (Sabah Lun Dayeh Cultural Association) as the former is not a cultural association per se. But some have charged that the launching of the new association is not more than an attempt by some individuals in the Lun Dayeh community to rejuvenate their political fortune. Like the Kadazan and Dusun, the Lun Dayeh and Lun Bawang are also watching closely how the issue of ethnic label will be resolved by their leaders.

The "big three" are at it again

I call Pairin, Kurup dan Dompok the "big three" (please do not misunderstand me with the so-called big three in Detroit USA). They were among the handful of PBS founders and were close comrades in the party before it fell from power in 1994. All three have had love and hate relations both in and outside the BN. Pairin said the nomination for the candidate in Pensiangan (if a by-election is announced) should not be "automatic". He was implying that Kurup being the incumbent who won the seat uncontested last year should not be re-nominated on the basis of his incumbency in Pensiangan. It is clear that Pairin had an interest to field a PBS candidate to face the PKR. I wrote earlier that if PBS and PKR had a one-on-one battle in Pensiangan, chances are high that PBS will win. This of course is based on the calculation that the well-known Pensiangan son, Maraat is fielded to represent the PBS. Kurup was not happy with Pairin's comment saying that the former has no right to dictate about the nomination process as it is the prerogative of the Sabah BN leadership. Dompok who was seeing the whole episode from his federal office wished not to be embroiled in the "old friend quarrel" saying that Pairin and Kurup as having a "little fun". Less than a week after the tongue wagging between Pairin and Kurup, Musa came to the rescue and initiated a truce to calm the situation. The so-called truce saw Pairin and Kurup shaking their hands in front of Musa and other BN party officials. The big three are ready to rumble again!

merry christmas and happy new year 2009!!!

2008-12-23T23:54:00.000-08:00

i wish everyone a very happy christmas and new year 2009! it is time to close ranks and count our blessings. indeed, we should be grateful that we could celebrate this joyous occassion peacefully and safely in the country of ours--malaysia. here are my hopes for christmas and new year resolutions:

my hopes for christmas:

1. that we will celebrate this occassion by looking at the very reason why it should be celebrated. it is not just about the birth of jesus and its significance to the world, it is about how we should treat each other, learn how to forgive and forget, to give and take, to understand each other's differences, to learn how to be more human and understand all its weaknessness and to learn how to make our lives more meaningful not just to ourselves but to the society that we live in.

2. that eventually malaysia will realise that it is a country not only for one particular ethnic group and religion but for all including the non-religious, the liberals, the free thinkers, the somewhere-in-between, the undecided, the ones who struggle (in finding the "true" paths), the doubters, the sceptics, and many others. no one should dictate how these people should behave and think except that they, of course, are all subject to the supremacy and sanctity of our constitution.

3. that politically malaysia will move towards becoming a progressive society: one that pushes science beyond its limits, one that uses rational thinking and factual arguments in decision making, one that encourages its citizens to use their creative thinking to its fullest, one that encourages its citizens to speak up responsibly, one that does not use repressive laws to silent critics and dissidents and one that mainstains the plural characters of its society.

4. that all malaysians will stop thinking only for their own ethnic group's sake and take a broader outlook in life. if we look beyond our ethnic group's "comfortable zone", we would be more appreciative of the uniqueness of how human race is created by god. the problem is that we in malaysia have become too ethnic-centric and only care about the well-being of our own community. we have been taught about stereotypes (the chinese are like that, the indians are like this, so and so) since childhold and these steoreotypes thicken even after we set foot into the ivory towers where we suppose to let go of our ethno-centrism.

my resolutions:

1. i hope to be better at managing time next year throughout that i will not make it a habit to put on hold many important tasks such as writing research papers and a book. as i have learned from numerous professors, never let your quality time goes wasted and make every opportunity to make your time useful and productive.

2. i hope to be better at managing my finances that i will start looking at the future of my income and not wasting it now. i am grateful to have a wonderful wife that looks after my spending habit.

3. i hope to contribute more to society and not keeping the blessings only to myself. not sure though in what area i can contribute and i hope to do more voluntary works and help the cause of NGOs whose objectives are to create a progressive and caring society.

4. i hope to be a much better human being and be more honest about myself and about my capabilities.

if you have any christmas hopes and resolutions to share, please do let me know.

rpk freed! a new dawn for the judiciary?

2008-11-08T00:24:00.000-08:00

i must admit that i am a frequent visitor to raja petra kamaruddin's (or rpk as he is widely known) hugely popular political blog, malaysia today. this is not to say that i am a fan to rpk. but owing to rpk's no-holds-barred approach in presenting his views and his strong committment to freedom of speech, i must say that rpk is a "force" that no one should take for granted. today (8 november 2008), rpk was freed from the isa detention. the high court judge said that the government has no right to detain rpk who has been accused of ridiculing islam and causing uneasiness among the people. well, i am happy that rpk is finally out but what makes me even happier is to see that the judiciary has taken a bold move to uphold the sanctity of the law and the supremacy of the federal constitution. a nation's stability depends among other things on the independence of the judiciary and its capability in pinpointing and correcting the wrongs committed by the executive and legislative. if malaysia was to be a progressive nation in the age of globalisation, one of the first reforms it must do is to get rid of the bad apples in the judiciary and to make sure that it can make credible judicial decisions, free from the intervention of the executive and legislative. what say you?

obama's victory: what it personally means to me, to malaysia and to the world

2008-11-04T23:36:00.000-08:00

my wife called me today and asked me a rather dry question in a scary tone.

"did you hear the news"?

"what news"?, i responded tersely.

"obama won", she replied, again, in a rather unexciting tone.

upon hearing the news, all that i wanted to do was to shout the word YAHOO but had to maintain my composure in the presence of a colleague whom i shared the news with. inside my car after that, i could not help but pretending not to cry even though tears was slowly overflowing my eyes. i also felt a bit awkward as the first person who shared the news with me was my wife whom i know to have a strong negative perception about politics.

what's with the emotional reaction? well, to begin with, i have been following the us presidential election without fail since campaigning started early this year. i remember that i had to quarrel with my wife about what channel to watch as i do not want to lose a glimpse of obama in his campaign tour. i admit that i am a strong obama supporter. to prove my point, i have the picture of obama hung on my office door at home. yes, i share many of obama's ideas and most important of all, we share the same family background: i was raised too by a principled and disciplinarian grandfather and am a "biological product" of a mixed marriage. both my parents separated when i was 12.

personally, obama has taught me that one can achive even the most impossible of dream if he/she is ready to stand up to his/her personal conviction. it was said that when asked about his personal ambition while in an elementary school in jakarta, obama said that he wanted to be a president, to the amazament of his classmates. who is obama? well, just before the campaign began, he was just an ordinary black illinois senator whose ambition was to change the course of us politics. many did not take him seriously and some even scoffed at him. but not until the election results were announced yesterday. really, obama's pesonal story is one of inspiration to many especially to the young people like me.

to malaysia, of course, obama will bring with him a different brand of politics. anwar ibrahim and rais yatim hailed obama's victory, describing it as a new chapter in the us history. prime minister abdullah has been somewhat cautious, hoping that obama will help bridge the divide between the muslim and western worlds. but the most important thing that malaysia should learn from the obama episode is that every opportunity must be given to anyone irrespective of skin colour and racial background to hold an important public office job like a prime minister (yes, abdullah said everyone could become a pm but is bn ready the pave the way?) the us system and the american people have taught as that even an african-american can become a president and rule a country predominantly occupied by the whites. in malaysia, we are still bogged down by religious and racial issues and one is only mattered when he/she comes from a particular ethnic group. even our politicians use the religious and racial card to hold on to power, making other races somewhat apprehensive. obama, in his speech after being declared the winner of the presidential race, did not even mention about his african roots or attributing his win to the support of the black people only; with flair and confidence, he took an inclusive approach in saying that he is a president to everyone and his victory is a result of the voting american people who voted for him--be they blacks, whites, hispanics, asians, to name a few other ethnic groups.

to the world, obama will be facing a very tough job ahead. he has to find ways how to deal with iran, afghanistan, north korea, not to mention iraq in which he promised to have the american troops withdrawn by 2010. i am optimistic though that obama can make a difference in bridging the divide between the muslim and western worlds. obama presents a different image of the us--one which is less hawkish, gentler, more inclusive and multilateral. i hope with obama at the helm, the world will be less dangerous and a place where we all could live in peace again.

i would like to congratulate obama for his stunning victory. i must also salute mccain for conceding his defeat graciously. the american people have spoken up and have chosen who is more capable in leading their country. at the end of the day, after a long two-year of intensive preparations, the best man won--and the man is BARACK OBAMA.

of pairin and sabah issues

2008-10-20T23:42:00.000-07:00

after months in "elegance silence", the huguan siou pairin kitingan has finally spoken up. in a report carried by the daily express (21 october 2008) pairin "revealed" that it was mahathir who had bullied the pbs when the former was still a prime minister. pairin was responding to the speech delivered by mca former president ong ka ting who took the umno leaders to task by saying that the malay-based party has become too dominant and thus causing uneasiness among the bn members. pairin's statement came as no surprise to anyone who understands sabah politics. and it is no secret that mahathir had indeed treated sabah with an iron fist especially when the state was under pairin's pbs control. the question is, why did pairin suddenly come out in the open and launch such an attack on mahathir? of course pairin and mahathir have had love and hate relationship. when pairin decided to abandone the bn in 1991 just at the eleventh hour before nomination, mahathir swore not to forgive pairin or admit the pbs into bn. mahathir called pairin's act as a "stab in the back". a stab in the back it was indeed as before pbs's pull out, pairin and mahathir were seen campaigning together for the bn.

so what might have driven pairin to suddenly "spar" with mahathir, his former foe? in order to answer this question perhaps it is best for us to gauge the perception of the man-in-the-street about pairin's leadership. while having a lunch with a friend yesterday, i asked what he thinks about pairin now. his answer was plain simple: pairin is not as what he used to be before; he has lost his credibility as he prefers kowtowing to his political masters rather than speaking up for a number of issues critical for sabah. another friend told me that he was leaving pbs simply because the party has lost its grassroots appeal and that its leaders are no longer respected. another friend took a drastic move. he was supposed to join pbs but changed his mind to join the opposition.

pairin may have realised that being critical at this juncture will not be wise for pbs that had had the experience of being deserted from the mainstream malaysian politics. he may have thought that it is better to support the government this time. it may not be a wise move to critic pak lah and his government as this would eventually put pbs in a bad light among the bn members in sabah. pairin and his key followers are clearly enjoying the partnership formed with musa and sabah umno. no one knows yet what pbs' real agenda is. much of the critical views on sabah now conveyed either by sapp or upko. the sapp is no longer in bn and upko has been rather cautious about its membership status. dompok recently threatened to pull out from bn if the pipeline gas project from sabah to bintulu in sarawak is not scrapped. fortunately, the federal government listened and sabah got a petrochemical industry instead. such is the political bargaining now being played out by state and federal leaders. of course, the federal government cannot afford to lose sabah particularly after the state became a strong power broker in the previous elections.

change may not be forthcoming in sabah just yet. the opposition led by pkr seems to be silent if not mellowed down a bit. if change was to happen in sabah, it must begin from the individual sabahans themselves followed by the leaders whom they elected in the elections. the opposition needs to really work hard to prove that they can become a better alternative to the present government. the bn in the meantime must wake up from its slumber and start fulfilling its election promises. i must admit that i voted for the bn in the previous elections and i hope the bn would live up to my expectation failing which will cause it to lose my precious vote in the next election.

how will i remember pak lah and what najib should do to be a better prime minister

2008-10-16T03:13:00.000-07:00

pak lah has finally made a decision to quit as prime minister in march next year. for many malaysians, this came as no surprise as calls for his resignation grew loud and clear right before the announcement was made. when pak lah took over the government in 2004, expectation was high that he would change the course of malaysian politics marred by incompetence of the civil service, high level of corruption and the deeply ethnicised malaysian society. perhaps, pak lah only managed to catch the small fish but not the big ones as many have complained. the arrests of several high profile public figures failed to ease the demands for pak lah to do something fundamentally drastic to end corrupt practices. pak lah did manage to allow some democratic spaces for malaysian to enjoy but his refusal to put to an end the use of several repressive laws made him look like unwilling to seriously address changes that many malaysians want to see.

despite all the criticims to his leadership, i think pak lah deserves some respect for his courage in admitting his mistakes and his willingness to bring reforms to malaysia. one of the most important marks that he has left and one which he will be best remembered for is his effort in ensuring the more open malaysia: blogs critical to his leadership are allowed to operate (except those that are truly radical ones); newspapers reports condemning his leadership weaknesses are not outrightly dismissed; and we, the malaysians, are given the avenues to express our dissatisfaction on a number of critical issues. pak lah listened. had he decided to let his ego reigns, he would pretend to not knowing what is happening around him and he would use whatever ways and means (including the wicked ones) to hold on to power. but he did not. he was willing to step aside and pass on the baton to his controversial number two najib razak. or maybe this is just pak lah's political game as many have suggested. i personally do not know. i hope pak lah is sincere.

now that najib will be given the top job come march next year. others are still not convinced that the deputy premier are free from all the scandals implicating his name. here is what najib should do to be a better prime minister: a) clear up his name and use the approriate laws to convict those who are out to destroy his reputation (he should not just simply use the isa to shut their mouths up); b) continue all the reform promises made by pak lah; c) bring back the confidence of the chinese, indians and minorities that malaysia is for all irrespective race and religion; d) revive the economy so that it can be more resilient to challenges such as the current economic meltdown in the us; and e) perhaps the most important is not to let mahathir influence his mind.

i am skeptical that pak lah will be successful in initiating some changes he promised to make in his remaining five months in office. perhaps what pak lah must do is to put back his reform agenda in proper perspective and start looking for trustworthy talents to execute the plan. to najib, i wish him all the best in bringing malaysia to greater heights and to pak lah thank you for all the good things that you have done.

dealing with malaysia's religious and racial diversity...part 1

2008-09-23T01:36:00.000-07:00

it is said that multi-ethnic diversity is malaysia's strength, more than anything else. but it has also become the country's liability, as current events suggest. when ahmad sabri said that the chinese are "pendatang' and thus do not deserve equal status as the bumiputeras, he was summoned by the prime minister and a scores of other malaysians demanded a public apology from him. sabri said that he was being misquoted by a chinese newspaper and what he said was based on historical fact. as the dust of the ahmad sabri saga has about to settle, the outspoken mp for seputeh teresa kok angered the muslim community in selangor when she lodged a complaint on behalf of her constituents about the "nuisance" created by the azan prayer. teresa was then arrested under the controversial isa but only to be released indefinitely later. what do these episodes tell us and what lessons can we learn from them?

first, the ideal of creating a bangsa malaysia will remain an elusive dream as each of the ethnic groups still insists on defending its own religious and racial characteristics. the bangsa malaysia dream, if achieved, will see malaysians of all races putting their religious and cultural differences aside while at the same time recognising themselves as a one "race" called "malaysian race". by race here i do not mean that we abandon our racial distinctiveness and "embrace" a new one. i mean how many malaysians out there are willing to put their beloved country, malaysia, first, then after that, their own ethnic group? may be we should learn from the indonesians. during my recent visit to jakarta, i came across with a few chinese who conversed in indonesian languange among themselves. and it is quite rare to see a chinese using his/her chinese name as the indonesian name is preferrable, may be for integration purposes. it is indeed an envious sight to begin with. in malaysia, one normally shifts to english when meeting with the chinese; and the chinese to bahasa malaysia when meeting withnon-chinese. may be we should re-look our language policy and use it as a tool to unify malaysians.

second, "change" is not forthcoming in malaysia for there are certain people who still think along the ethnic and religious lines. while other countries are in the aggresive drive to modernise their economies, educate their people to be competitive and to accept each other's differences with an open mind, malaysia is still grappling with the ethnic and religious issue. if nothing concrete is achieved to tackle this malaise, i am afraid that malaysia would not be able to move forward, what more achieving the visions 2020 (do not forget that the first challenge in the vision is to create an integrated and united society that shares a common vision). while the word "change" is a powerful mantra in the united states nowadays, it is, however, seen in the negative light by some especially those in the corridor of power. this brings me to my next point.

while much has been said about the need to reform the judiciary and to tackle the problem of corruption and inefficiency, little attention has been given on the issue of how to educate malaysians to think beyond the ethnic and religious lines. the government's decision to come up with an act (race relations act) is laudable but its details must be thoroughly debated and scrutinised before it is passed. some in sabah and sarawak have lamented that there is no need to come up with a law to regulate race relations; in fact these people say race relations in both states have remained all time high. the problem i see here is not one of legal or lack of spaces to inculcate the spirit of acceptance and tolerance among races. but what is lacking is the political will of those in power to effect changes. it is sad that zaid ibrahim had to quit the cabinet after his plan to reform the judiciary was seen as too radical by his comrades in the government. the crucial question that needs to be asked here is: are our political leaders willing to abandon their exclusive ethnic and religious thinking and start fighting for other races?

the pensiangan woe

2008-09-18T01:24:00.000-07:00

when the high court declared joseph kurup’s victory in pensiangan null and void, there is a sense of euphoria among some segments of the society. this would perhaps be the second straight mother of all by-election (if kurup fails in his bid to appeal against the court’s decision) in malaysia after the permatang pauh by-election. why? a party president will have to defend his seat against a more popular opposition figure. losing the seat will mean a possible disbandment of pbrs and winning it will give a boost to kurup--the only sole pbrs representative in the parliament.

already, jeffrey kitingan—kurup’s arch-rival who almost defeated the pbrs president back in 2004—has lobbied himself to be selected as candidate should there be a by-election. if jeffrey and kurup contested, chances are high that jeffrey might be able to wrest the seat from the latter by means of individual popularity.

andipai, the disgruntled pkr candidate whose nomination paper was rejected by the returning officer has shown interest to contest, saying confidently that the candidate must be someone who understands the pensiangan constituency better. if there is such thing as a better candidate, then, it might be bernard maraat who was dropped from the pbrs list due to his conflict with kurup. the sentiment on the ground indicates that maraat is strongly tipped to contest under the pbs ticket (after withdrawing from pbrs, maraat chose pbs as his new party).

if maraat is selected, then pkr’s desire to make inroads in pensiangan would be difficult. surely, top bn leaders will have a hard time deciding who should stand representing the bn in pensiangan. if kurup is dropped for fear of losing face to pkr, then it would probably be the end of the road for the veteran politician who is struggling to survive amid dwindling support. the beneficiary will be pbs though pkr will also stand a chance to winning pensiangan. so far, upko, the second biggest kadazandusun-based party has been silent. the bn and pkr will brace for another new round of political battle. it is a battle that everyone cannot wait to watch; it is also a battle that allows pensiangan voters to decide who should be voted in and who should be voted out. this is democracy sabah style!

anwar won permatang pauh...what would be his next course of action? part 2

2008-09-08T03:27:00.000-07:00

anwar is surely now busy criss-crossing the country, trying to entice bn mps to change party. but he may find the effort difficult as some of the bn mps have been brought to a "study trip" somewhere in taiwan. again, supporters of anwar believe that he is not telling jokes and the change in government will materialise come september 16. i received an sms from someone yesterday asking my opinion about anwar's move. my response--which will be the subject of my entry today is--"i do not support pakatan rakyat taking over from bn through party crossover as i would prefer anwar playing his role as strong opposition leader in the parliament and convince us that he and his pakatan people can lead this country. but if the bn does not wake up from its slumber, what choice is there left for us?"

i am happy that anwar won in permatang pauh. not that i am a supporter of pakatan nor a follower of anwar. i have seen parliamentary debates so many times but i am not satisfied with the way our mps debating about issues. i am not saying that they are all useless; some do not find debating and speaking from hard facts as serious vocation anymore. i have seen our mps reading from texts without really engaging the issues at hand. at times, some would prefer trading childish comments and belittling the other fellow mps. hopefully with anwar's return into the parliament, we would see more quality debates and that our bn mps would be much better prepared in facing the now strong opposition presence. i hope anwar and his pakatan people would turn the parliament into a forum where serious issues are debated and solutions to our country's problems sought.

simply put, anwar's return and the growing demand for "opposition politics" are good for malaysia and for open intellectual discourse. opposition politics, to my mind, is not necessarily a "bad thing" as most people think. strictly speaking, it would allow the rakyat to see two differing views and decide for themselves which one is good for the country. if handled well, the bn government under pak lah will benefit a lot by allowing the opposition parties to take part in country's development.

what do i mean when i said that the "bn should wake up from its slumber"? some of the things that the bn can do to appease anwar's rise is to concentrate on developing the people's well-being and start implementing its reform agenda. all the allegations against the bn's leadership should not be deliberately swept under the carpet through means of censorship or implementation of questionable legal recourse. doing these will only aggravate the people's ill-feeling and would reinforce the claims that bn government's determination in getting rid of corrupt elements is just a "public relations exercise". if the allegations are not true, then the bn should engage its detractors by giving facts for the people to judge themselves. if they are true, then the only thing that the bn could do is to admit its mistakes and go on with its reform agenda. pak lah has good intentions in developing and reforming this country. but what he may be lacking is the support from his inner circles who may resist changes or may not want their wrongdoings exposed. just go on with what you think is good for the country pak lah...i am sure many people will support you!

anwar won permatang pauh...what would be his next course of action? part 1

2008-08-26T22:13:00.000-07:00

i received a message from a friend telling me anwar was leading in the vote count. i tuned in to awani astro and the commentator annouced that at press time, anwar was still leading the two other candidates. i stayed on to watch the election analysis and it was almost certain that based on the feedbacks given by on-site journalists, anwar had won the election with a bigger majority this time. at 10 p.m. something, the commentator announced the official results: anwar won with 31 000 or so votes; arif, 15 000 or so votes and the akim candidate a mere 92 votes. compared with the majority received by wan azizah on march 8 this year, anwar managed to increase the majority votes to 15 000 or so votes--to the surprise of political analysts across the country. the voter turnout was low at 65 per cent even though the star reported today that it was in fact more than 80 per cent.

what does this election result tell us? a lot. first, it tells us that anwar is still an influential figure and a force to be reckoned with in malaysian politics. the sodomy allegation launched against him did not diminish his reputation. even before the election, the merdeka centre did a survey about the sodomy allegation and found out that a considerable number (about more than 30 per cent) of those polled believed that the allegation was politically motivated. second, anwar's victory has brought him closer to the corridor of power. an insider told me that the change in government is imminent: it will happen even before 16 september this year. the only thing anwar has to do now is to convince some 30 or so bn mps to crossover. how willing are these mps--alleged to be mostly from sabah--to change party is everyone's guess. but a source told me that they are prepared to leave bn provided anwar can convince them that the "takeover"plan is not just an elusive dream. third, now that anwar is in parliament, the bn will continue with the passing of the controversial dna bill. this is the only way to get rid of anwar. when the bill is passed then anwar will have no choice but to give his dna sample failing which he will have to pay 10 000 ringgit or one year in prison. soon after taking oath, anwar did not waste time to criticise the bill. when the opposition demanded a special committee to look into the bill, the home minister syed hamid albar refused, resulting in the opposition walkout today. by convention, the bn will face no obstacle in passing the bill as it has the number to form the simple majority needed. anwar's hope now lies in the hands of bn mps who believe in his struggle and do not mind to leave the bn.

anwar and arif to battle it out in permatang pauh

2008-08-25T19:37:00.000-07:00

ok folks, who do you think will win the permatang pauh by-election? observers have made their bet about it: anwar will easily defeat arif but with a reduced majority win. anwar may not be able to match wan azizah's 13 000 or so majority votes due to the fact that the bn will use its might to ensure anwar's difficult passage into the parliament. if anwar won the election with a reduced majority, the bn will surely take it to mean that the popular support for the opposition icon is waning; if anwar lost the election, then, it would mean that the pakatan rakyat's ambition to grab power will not only be difficult but impossible. the political economist terence gomez of um said the 30 mps tipped to crossover would most likely stay in bn as it would be difficult to persuade them to change party.

earlier, i predicted that anwar would win the by-election in permatang pauh with a reduced majority. but since intelligence reports have indicated that the permatang pauh constituents are all for anwar, it may be safe to assume that anwar will win big. don't forget that permatang pauh is anwar's stronghold. whatever it is, let us see how the voters in permatang pauh will vote this time.

10 per cent quota for non-bumiputeras in uitm?

2008-08-14T02:18:00.000-07:00

as someone who is working in uitm, i should give my opinion on this. to recap, the selangor menteri besar has landed himself into trouble by suggesting that a 10 percent quota should be allocated to non-bumiputeras wishing to study in uitm. the suggestion has created an uproar among some circles particularly those coming from uitm itself. it was reported that about 3000 students demonstrated outside the uitm's main campus in shah alam, calling, among other things, khalid as being ungrateful and insensitive to the bumiputeras--especially malays. in an apparent move to shield himself from being criticised further, khalid read a press statement calling an end to the issue. i do not have to list down here all the statements critical of khalid's suggestion, including that of the prime minister's and minister's of higher education. what i really want to hear is statements supporting khalid's suggestion--at least we could hear the two sides of the coin--a kind of rebuttals from those supporting khalid's logic.

it is interesting that i asked my students about what they feel if uitm was to be "de-bumiputera-ised"--long before the issue has caught the attention of the media. the reactions i received were mixed. some said uitm should remain as it is in the interest of bumiputera people while others thought it is a good suggestion to allow uitm to compete on a level playing field with those from other races. it appears that khalid is not alone: the mca president ong ka ting was reported to have said today (friday, august 15, 2008) that by giving non-bumiputeras the chance to study in uitm, a good academic culture could be nurtured and the level of competitiveness enhanced.

now came the crucial part when students asked for my opinion. i said yes uitm should help the bumiputeras because the purpose of its formation is to help the under-privileged bumiputeras to attain higher education and to be on par with other races in various fields. i would support uitm's affirmative action policy as long as it does not neglect the often forgotten bumiputeras in sabah and sarawak. in this respect, uitm should make every effort to explain that its struggle is not only for the malays but the indigenous people of east malaysia.

but, i further explained to my students, there is a disclaimer to my supporting the bumiputera policy. first, the bumiputera students should not think that everything will be provided on their plate and they will be spoon fed to succeed. they should remember that they will have to compete with the non-bumiputeras in the job market after finishing their studies. while in uitm, they should make every effort to prove that utim is not a "dumping ground" (as critics call it) where the under-performing bumiputera students are being dumped into.

in the final analysis, i am all for uitm to open only for the bumiputeras--including those in sabah and sarawak--where a substantial number of whom are still marginalised educationally. by saying so, i am also open to the idea of allowing non-bumiputera students to study in uitm as education, after all, is for everyone irrespective of race, creed and religion.

pbs has to do something to remain relevant

2008-08-01T00:18:00.000-07:00

the pbs kiulu division showed what it means to criticise a leader when it asked the huguan siou pairin kitingan to quit to pave the way for a young progressive leader to take pbs's helm. for someone who has been on top for so many years, the call indicates that some pbs members have begun to see pairin as a lame duck leader who has lost his claws. those calling pairin to quit want his deputy maximus ongkili to take over pbs's leadership but the questions which pbs members need to ask themselves are: is maximus the right person to replace pairin? can he become the new huguan siou of the kadazandusun if pairin resigning as president of pbs would also mean that he need to relinquish the influential titular position as well?

talks at the grassroots level (and this was confirmed by a source as well) are that maximus is unlikely to replace pairin as huguan siou because compared to pairin, he does not have a strong grassroots base. maximus is also said to be not likeable among the chinese and muslim pbs members. if pbs was to remain relevant, at least as a multiracial party, it has to ensure that the chinese and muslim support remain strong. so far, pbs has done nothing constructive to maintain its chinese and muslim support. it is true, according to a source, that some chinese, in particular, have already begun to see sabah politics beyond pbs. the muslims, on the other hand, are beginning to see umno as a capable party to uniting the muslim community in sabah. the chinese and muslim who remain loyal to pbs now can be considered as those who are sympathetic to pbs's struggles.

if no credible leader is found and pairin has to resign, then pbs has to face its rival party upko which is now trying to woo kadazandusun members to its midst. upko may be more appealing to the kadazandusuns now because it mobilises its political movement along the strong kadazandusun sentiment. if pbs lost its kadazandusun support, it will surely face disbandment as its support depends heavily on the kadazandusun community.

so, really, pbs has no choice but to buckle up. this would mean revamping the party's lineup by injecting new young blood and preparing for a leadership transitional process. it also needs to woo young members who are beginning to develop interests towards politics. the pbs should emulate upko that has established komulakan to reach the younger generation. while it is true that from the political point of view that pbs would survive as long as it is in bn, it would face the same fate as in the case of mic and mca if no efforts are taken to solidify its mass support.

as for pairin, perhaps, it is time for him to focus more on uniting the kadazandusun community in his capacity as huguan siou. let someone helm the pbs and let not politics divides the kadazandusun further.

a review of the historical anwar-shabbery debate

2008-07-16T22:17:00.000-07:00

yes, i saw the debate on astro awani and was really excited about it. just before the debate began, i made sure i had a notebook and a pen with me to jot down all the arguments from both sides of the debaters. the moderator was johan jaafar, a familiar face in malaysian broadcasting industry. okay, i do not have problem with johan. sometimes, i enjoy reading his column on nst. modelled on the american presidential debate, both debaters were allowed to bring in their respective moderators. anwar took zulkifli sulong with him while shabbery had nordin kardi the uum vc to be on his side. anwar and shabbery were given four minutes each to provide their opening statements. sadly, both had to take about one to two minutes to present their respective "mukadimahs". yes, sometimes malaysians--our politicians to be exact--rarely talk straight to the point.

okay, anwar's basic premise is that he could lower the prices of oil by 50 per cent and the sources of subsidies could be taken from petronas' dividens. he also said the ipps' (independent power providers) "excess capacity" could be used to cushion the government's financial burden. he simply argued that if the government is more prudent in its spending; and if it could ensure that financial mismanagement would be the thing in the past, it would not have incurred much financial losses. shabbery, on the other hand, argued that the increase in oil prices is beyond the government's control as the oil industry is very much influenced by the political and economic situation in the oil producing countries. he also said the government had to make an unpopular decision for the betterment of the future generation. shabbery said the billions of ringgit paid as subsidies could be better used for building necessary infrastructures i.e. schools, hospitals, etc.

to be fair to both debaters, i do not want to judge who is the real winner. they had their own strenghts and weaknesses. nevertheless, both had, at times, strayed from the main topic of the debate. it would be more interesting if both debaters stuck to the main argument and provide us with facts so we could decide whose case is much compelling. for instance, how is anwar going to reduce the prices of oil by 50 per cent and what are the mechanisms that he would use to achieve that target?. shabbery should have focused more on the rationale for the government to increase oil prices and why it is a right decision for malaysia to take.

the drawback of course was that both took the opportunity to launch personal attacks against each other. it is incorrect to say that only shabbery had spoken about something unrelated; anwar also talked about unrelated and highly politically charged statement i.e. that he is going to stand in an by-election soon, etc. he should have kept his political ambition to his heart and let the people decide if he is indeed credible even as the so-called "prime minister-in-waiting". another sad thing is that, shabbery's backer nordin kardi did not use the platform to question anwar as an academician would question a long-established and contestable fact. he seemed more interested in ridiculing anwar with his well-known sarcastic remarks. for me, it was a letdown for the academic community.

anwar and shabbery had shown to us that civil discourse can happen in malaysia. the airing of the debate and malaysians' reaction to it also indicate that we are ready to discuss openly and civilly about issues affecting our country. i think malaysia would be a much safer place to live in if we all learn how to agree and disagree about something openly rather than pretending to agree about something without openly showing our disagreement.

to concur with rehman rashid of new straits times, the real winner of the debate is no other than civil discourse!

High Drama or Circus in Malaysian Politics?

2008-07-10T01:57:00.000-07:00

I was excited in learning about the whole affairs of Malaysian politics because the drama about the so-called conspiracy theory once again resurface. Our nation was surprised with the news of an aide to former deputy prime minsiter, Anwar Ibrahim, being sodomised. And guess what, he was said to have been sodomised by Anwar himself! Remember that Anwar was convicted with sodomy (but was later acquitted from the conviction) in 1998. Almost nine years have passed, and the catchphrase “liwat” once again appears on mainstream newspapers. The drama heightened when a private investigator made a Statutory Declaration (SD) claiming that our deputy prime minister Najib Razak has connection with the Altantunya murder. Not only that he also made an explosive statement that Najib had sexual relationship with Altantunya!

A day after that, the private investigator retracted his statement saying that he was forced to make the earlier SD. Today, the private investigator was said to have been disappeared and his family members were really concerned about his safety. It is from here that the conspiracy theory began to spiral uncontrollably. First, many believe that that someone in the government had told the private investigator to cook up a statement about the deputy prime minister. With this, the conspirators hoped to tarnish the deputy prime minister’s image that would make him automatically ineligible to become president of UMNO and our prime minister should he is able to oust prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Others say that the allegation made against the deputy prime minister was masterminded by Anwar himself and that Abdullah had allowed this to happen because he does not want Najib to take over his place.

Many people appear to believe this story. I, for one, am more concerned about the nation’s stability than about who is going to be the prime minister after Abdullah. The people especially those living in rural areas are already suffering from the high cost of living and stagnant economy. For me, the people have spoken up through the election and that they wanted the Barisan Nasional and Abdullah to lead this country. If the opposition is not happy with the way the present government rules, it should be more effective in playing its role as opposition especially in the parliament. It should questions the government policies and identify loopholes in them. It should also gives recommendations as to how this country can be managed much better.

I don’t really buy the idea of toppling the present government through party hopping. This will only mean that the opposition is just as power crazy. The government should not take its time too much in investigating something which is based on innuendoes and wild allegations, for example, the sodomy case described above. It should be serious in preventing a certain group of people from using the government instrument to further their political agenda.

Having said all the above, I bet we all know who the clowns are and what sort of drama they are up to; but they are not those who want to entertain us as real clowns normally do in a circus. They are more dangerous and bent on destroying our country. It is true that politics is about power but sadly a lot of people use their power for evil means and only a handful use it for good intention.

sodomy allegation againts anwar: what? again?

2008-07-01T23:09:00.000-07:00

i do not want to say much about the sodomy allegation againts anwar. i hope the police will do their job and establish the truth behind the allegation. whether it is true or not that anwar sodomised his aide is nobody's business. but it is quite a surprise that the finding of the survey conducted by merdeka center found out that almost 90 per cent of those polled considered anwar as innocent. whatever it is, this is the opportunity for the prime minister abdullah to prove that he is fair and that he will make sure that it is not a political conspiracy to prevent anwar from making a political comeback. abdullah must also make sure that if indeed it is a conspiracy, the conspirator/s are booked and punished according to the law.

others think that this is another "wayang" played out by our politicians to survive. please let me know of your thoughts.

excerpts of election results and analysis in sabah

2008-07-01T22:58:00.000-07:00

here's my analysis of the recent elections. note that my analysis is only confined to sabah. elsewhere, i write a bit about the scenario in peninsular malaysia. please do not quote this piece unless you have permission to do so strictly for private purposes. wait until it is published then you can cite it for academic purposes and public discussion.

by way of introduction and the main argument ...

The 2008 Malaysian General Election saw the BN (Barisan Nasional or National Front) returned to power with less than a two-thirds majority. It has been observed that this is BN’s worst electoral outing since 1969. The situation is rather different in Sabah, one of the thirteen states in Malaysia, in which BN managed to almost making a clean sweep and thus denying the opposition any chance to making inroads. Even though it was initially observed that the opposition led by PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat) could deny BN a major victory in Sabah, the election results indicate otherwise. At the outset, a major portion of the electorate in Sabah has renewed its support to BN, following the trend in 2004. The article argues that the tide of the “Peninsular factor” (i.e. the combined personality factor of Anwar and Mahathir and other contentious issues in the Peninsular Malaysia) give little impact on Sabah politics. It explains why the voters in Sabah give their support to BN and why they have abandoned the opposition.

peninsula voters looking beyond ethnic politics?

At the national level, the BN suffered a major setback since 1969 after failing to retain its two-thirds majority win. The BN even failed to obtain a majority of popular votes cast in Peninsular Malaysia It only obtained 49 per cent of the popular votes cast compared to the opposition 51 per cent (Asian Strategic Leadership Institute 2008). Of all the 140 seats the BN won, 54 came from Sabah and Sarawak. So without the contribution of Sabah and Sarawak, the BN would not have obtained a simple majority. The opposition also managed to increase its seats in the parliament from 12 previously to 82 this time around. The BN, however, won impressively in Sabah and Sarawak. Of all the 25 parliamentary and 60 state seats contested in Sabah, the BN won 24 and 59 respectively. In Sarawak, the opposition was clearly decimated where it only won one seat in its stronghold in Bandar Kuching compared to the BN 30 seats.

the analysis ...

For analytical purposes, we shall divide all the contested parliamentary and state seats in Sabah into three broad categories namely Kadazandusun (or non-Muslim Bumiputera), Chinese, Muslim Bumiputera and mixed areas. From there, we shall analyse the performances of the parties contesting with respect to the popular votes cast and the number of seats won. Where necessary, a comparison with the results in 2004 is also made.

The BN won all the six parliamentary seats in Kadazandusun areas including in Pensiangan where it was won uncontested by Joseph Kurup (BN-PBRS). In terms of popular votes, the BN obtained 58.68 per cent compared to the combined opposition votes 36.40 per cent. Both the BN and opposition had their share of popular votes dropped by 1.2 and 3.71 per cent respectively (Table 2). The BN component parties of PBS and UPKO shared the number of popular votes at 24.55 per cent and 25.33 per cent respectively while UMNO only 8.79 per cent. In 2004, PBS obtained 59.88 per cent while the opposition and independents combined obtained 40.11 per cent. The large bulk of the opposition votes went to PKR (35.02 per cent), followed by BERSEKUTU (0.86 per cent) and DAP (0.51 per cent). The remaining 4.91 per cent went to the independent candidates.

At the state level, the BN won all the 13 Kadazandusun seats, collecting about 59.81 per cent of the popular votes compared to the opposition combined, 34.56 per cent (Table 3). In 2004, the BN obtained 57.88 per cent of the popular votes while the opposition 42.09 per cent. At the individual party level, the PKR managed to collect about 33.59 per cent compared to the PBS 32.91 per cent. The share of the votes obtained by UPKO and PBRS is just 17.54 per cent and 4.82 per cent respectively. Interestingly, the opposition could have denied the BN a huge majority in a number of areas had it successful in persuading the independent candidates not to contest. For example in Tandek, the combined votes of the PKR candidate with that of the independent’s and BERSEKUTU’s could have reduced the BN’s majority to just 245. In Bingkor, Jeffrey could have won the seat had the independent chosen not to contest. The BN’s majority in Bingkor is only 122. In 2004, Jeffrey was almost able to wrest the seat from Kurup with a 143-vote difference.

The results show that the Kadazandusun voters did not totally reject the opposition’s brand of politics which some quarters say as irrelevant to local people. But one cannot deny the fact that the Kadazandusun voters want local-based parties such as PBS and UPKO to represent them at the federal level. At the state level, the opposition performed slightly better on an individual party basis, looking at the number of popular votes it obtained (33.59 per cent) compared to the major BN Kadazandusun-based party, PBS, 32.01 per cent. This could be attributed to two reasons. First, many saw PBS as gradually losing its image as “champion” to the Kadazandusun and state rights. They might also want an opposition voice in the legislative assembly which the PBS and other state BN parties failed to provide. Second, Pairin’s silence on a number of pressing local issues such as fake ICs and illegal immigrants since becoming a “BN man” (as the opposition called him) has slightly affected his reputation as Huguan Siou (Paramount Leader). Jeffrey’s scathing attack on Pairin’s character as well as his revelation of Musa’s alleged corrupt practices might also contribute to the swing of the Kadazandusun votes.

All the BN Kadazandusun-based parties campaigned along the issues of development and continuity. The PBS chose to depart from its strong Kadazandusun outlook while UPKO emerged to become a “new” champion to the Kadazandusun community. The UPKO vowed to fight for the Kadazandusun rights as it is the only “pure” Kadazandusun party in the state. It even stated that it had “[stuck] its neck out” in speaking about the Kadazandusun problems in Sabah. The PBS, long associated with the Kadazandusun, chose to play “safe politics” as it has painful experience being in the opposition until it was re-admitted into BN in 2002. The PBRS’s electoral strength particularly at the parliamentary level is generally untested because it won the Pensiangan seat uncontested. Despite the win, the PBRS president Joseph Kurup would have to face a lot of uncertainties ahead as there is a strong possibility that a by-election would be called in Pensiangan. Unlike in Pairin’s and Dompok’s case, Kurup had to choose the “hard way” to remain in power, that is, not to re-nominate the popular incumbent in Pensiangan Bernard Maraat whom he saw as the type of leader “who likes to work alone”. At one time, Maraat vowed to contest as an independent but only to change his mind later. To say which among the Kadazandusun-based parties that is more popular among the Kadazandusun voters warrant another close observation but PBS has the advantage because many Kadazandusun still regard Pairin as a symbol of unity and strength due to his role as Huguan Siou and president of the Kadazandusun Cultural Association (KDCA) (Luping 1984, p. 83-87).

The Chinese support for the opposition appeared to be strong in urban areas. The popular votes obtained by the opposition in the parliamentary seats of Kota Kinabalu and Sandakan is 57.41 per cent compared to the BN 35.62 per cent. Overall, the popular Chinese votes gained by the opposition saw an increase by 13.76 per cent (Table 2). Both the DAP and PKR candidate managed to defeat the BN candidate with a majority votes of more than 1000 and 900 respectively. Had the DAP, PKR and independent joined force to face the BN, they could trounce the BN candidate with well more than 10000 votes. The same scenario could be drawn in Sandakan which saw the LDP candidate facing a tough fight from the DAP and independent. Had the DAP and independent decided to contest as a single pact, they could have defeated the LDP with more than 2000 votes.

Even though the BN managed to win five of the six Chinese seats contested at the state level, the opposition’s performance could not be underestimated. The PKR, for instance, managed to deny a big majority to the PBS candidate in Api-Api who obtained only 174 votes while in several areas the huge number of votes obtained by the opposition showed that the Chinese voters were generally unhappy with the BN and that they were looking for a different party platform to represent them. The total votes obtained by the BN at the state level is 53 per cent while the opposition 49.99 per cent (Table 3). Following the trend at the parliamentary level, the opposition votes at the state level also registered a significant increase of 18.91 per cent.

The opposition could have won another one parliamentary seat and two state seats had it chosen to contest one-on-one with the BN. The table below explains this possible scenario (*sorry not table is included in this posting)

Clearly, the Chinese voting pattern could be partly explained by the rational choice theory. Rational choice theorists hold that “voting decisions are based on cost-benefit analyses where voters match their individual issue preferences with party platforms” (Andersen and Heath 2000, p. 3). The opposition’s promise to abolish affirmative action policy and to provide equal economic opportunities to all Malaysian irrespective of race and religion might be appealing to the Chinese community. Other than that, the opposition’s promise to reform the country and to tackle the high cost of living particularly in urban areas could also contribute to the swing of the Chinese votes. It appeared that the Chinese were not too concerned about the Ma Tzu issue because it was seen as a personal problem between Musa and Chong. Chong’s decision to remain in the BN and to leave the matter to court to decide explains why some Chinese remain loyal to the BN. Had Chong decided to join the opposition, the voting pattern in the Chinese area could have seen a swing to the opposition.
Muslim areas

The BN remained strong in the Muslim areas. It won all the 15 parliamentary seats contested (including the Kalabakan seat which was won uncontested) and obtained about 66.06 per cent of the popular votes compared to the opposition 27.25 per cent (Table 2). A major share of the Muslim votes went to UMNO 53.26 per cent, followed by PKR 24.12 per cent, and the independent candidates combined 6.67 per cent. The BN repeated the similar massive victory at the state level, winning all the 36 seats contested. The popular votes the BN obtained is 68.78 per cent while the opposition 27.58 per cent. Again, a major share of the popular votes went to UMNO 63.61 per cent while the PKR only managed to scrap through with 25.58 per cent. The Sabah UMNO really did a commendable job than its counterpart in Peninsular Malaysia which shared the number of popular votes with PAS and PKR combined at 35.5 per cent and 34.8 per cent respectively (www.asli.com.my).

Clearly, the Muslim electorate rejected the PKR as an alternative party to them. The tide of the Anwar factor in Peninsular Malaysia did not seem to give much impact. Despite the chorus of attacks on Musa’s leadership and Sabah UMNO practising blatant cronyism, the Muslim electorate solidly backed Musa and gave BN a convincing win. Apart from the explanation above, the Muslim might not have any choice but to vote for the UMNO as there is no credible Muslim-backed party in Sabah. Even though there is speculation that a group of UMNO dissenters would form an alternative Muslim party, it remains just speculation. Musa was also quick to devise a plan to ensure his position in Sabah UMNO continues to be unchallenged. This included the awards of lucrative contracts to UMNO’s divisional heads and those identified to be a threat to his leadership (Malaysia Today 2008).

Another observation is that non-Muslim voters become the decisive factor in ensuring the victory to non-Muslim parties contesting in Muslim areas. For example in Putatan, Batu Sapi and Tawau parliamentary seats. Putatan has a significant number of Kadazandusun and Chinese voters (roughly 36.72 per cent) while Batu Sapi and Tawau have a substantial number of Chinese voters (37.33 per cent and 44.37 per cent respectively). These reinforce the claim once again that the Kadazandusun and Chinese voters outside the urban areas clearly rejected the opposition particularly the PKR. The same pattern is also obvious at the state level. Non-Muslim parties such as PBS and UPKO managed to wrest the Tanjung Aru and Kuala Penyu seats respectively. Tanjung Aru has strong Chinese population at 36.59 per cent while Kuala Penyu has a large number of Kadazandusun voters at 38.77 per cent.

A mixed area can be loosely described as an area where there is no one particular ethnic group commanding a population majority of more than 50 per cent. The BN obtained about 62.14 per cent of the votes in mixed areas compared to the opposition 36.27 per cent at the parliamentary level (Table 2). A major share of the popular votes went to UPKO and SAPP in Tuaran and Sepanggar respectively while PKR obtained about 29.59 per cent. While the battle in the parliamentary mixed seat is not as decisive, the situation is different at the state level. The opposition could have won in Inanam and Kapayan if DAP and PKR had not contested against each other. In Inanam, for instance, the combined votes of the DAP and PKR candidates could have easily toppled the BN’s candidate by well over than a thousand votes. In Kapayan, the opposition could have won the seat by a convincing majority of a thousand or so votes had it decided to contest one-on-one with the BN candidate. Overall, the BN obtained about 51.24 per cent of the popular votes while the opposition 40.69 per cent in all the mixed seats at state level. On an individual party basis, the PKR fared relatively well, obtaining about 27.18 per cent of the votes, followed by its counterpart DAP 13.28 per cent.

post election scenario in sabah

2008-04-09T22:46:00.000-07:00

sabah and sarawak the power brokers

one cannot deny the fact that sabah and Sarawak have contributed immensely towards bn's victory in the 2008 election. going by the number of seats contributed by sabah's and sarawak's bn component parties, they deserve better attention by the federal government. the stark difference between the two states is that sarawak has not been that demanding as has been sabah. two of sabah's mps recently resigned as a mark of protest to abdullah's decision not to give more representation to sabah's mps particularly those from UMNO. sarawak, on the other hand, has been somewhat measured and has so far not demanded any strong demands--except for a few dayak leaders who wanted their community's presence in the federal cabinet be more recognised.

resignation on a matter of principle or personal agenda?

there are two ways to explain why the sabah leaders have not been satisfied. first, sabah umno leaders have enjoyed strong patronage relationships from their peninsular counterparts. sabah umno's massive win in the 2008 election has given the party more bargaining power than ever before. in politics numbers make a lot of difference. in 1994 for example the pbs government fell from power when a number of its assemblymen crossed over to umno and to other federal-initiated political parties. the bn then had the numbers and pbs had no choice but to give up power in another attempt by the powers-that-be to deny the democratic decision of the electorate. some were quick to say that the reason for the two mps to resign was because they were not happy with the way the federal government has treated sabah. a retired senior government officer whom the writer interviewed said that one of the mps told him that sabah has been turned into a "fool" again after the entire episode. simply put, what the mp was trying to say is, sabah has always been sidelined in a number of pressing issues such as the illegal immigrant problem and the oil royalty.

another retired senior government officer gave a different perception. he believed the two mps resigned simply because they were not happy that they were not getting what they wanted. one of the mps said that he has been in his former position for too long and that it is about time to give way to the younger generation. no matter how you interprete it, it might mean that he's tired of waiting to move up to the ladder of power. seen from this light, the resignation of the two mps could be both driven by principles and personal agenda. so which one do you think they may be falling into?

second, the two mps might want to trigger the defection of the bn mps into the pakatan rakyat led by anwar. anwar has been criss-crossing the country trying to lure bn mps to join pakatan rakyat. again if anwar gets the number (30 seats to be exact), the abdullah administration could easily fall from power and thus signalling the end of bn rule in malaysia for the first time. but whether the two mps are really serious in joining anwar is everyone's guess. and the fact that there's no strong "signal" from sabah bn mps to jump ship only indicates that sabah bn remains a formidable party in sabah.

beware of the opportunist politicians

abdullah's indecisiveness proves to be one of the factors contributing to the calls for his resignation. his decision to come down to sabah himself to hear the grouses of sabah leaders shows that abdullah's is giving to much ear to a bunch of opportunist politicians whose motive could be personal rather than rakyat-driven. for sure, abdullah's collective approach to politics could backfire on him as sabah umno leaders are waiting for the right time to demand something from him, however questionable that demand might be. demanding for a more representation in the federal cabinet is one thing, demanding for the federal government to take the sabah problems seriously is another matter. what is pressing at this point of time, to my mind, is not the former but the latter. numbers make no different if they do not translate into concrete action and solution. so it is better to have only one effective mp in the parliament than many mps if no practical solutions are offered.

perhaps it is too late for abdullah to check who are really figthing for the rakyat and who are not. this is because his visit to sabah to persuade the sabah leaders to stick with bn shows the obvious indecisiveness on the part of abdullah's leadership. when one is indecisive, it is said, one could be easily trapped into the dirty political game of the political opportunists. abdullah has to be careful in dealing with some sabah politicians who have been in the state's political scene for too long but have contributed little, or none at all, to the state's development. in order to put his leadership back on track, abdullah has to do two things: to be firm in whatever decision he has made and to put his house (i.e. UMNO and its coalition allies) back into order. a way to deal with the political opportunists in sabah is to regularly check their performance and to reprimand them if they under-perform.

where should the pakatan rakyat in sabah go from here?

a few pakatan people i met are quite excited about the fact that pakatan rakyat would form the government soon when it could convince bn mps to cross-over. so excited they were that they forgot that the rakyat had made a choice in sabah, that is, they wanted bn to lead the state for another term. forgive me for sounding a bit pro-government. this is not actually my attention. i think what the pakatan should do is to form a formidable alliance and to convince the rakyat that they could be the better alternative to bn in sabah. grabbing power from the bn would not only be ethtically wrong, it would also deny the voice of the rakyat who had made their choice. though there is only one opposition adun in the state assembly, again this should not make the pakatan feel inferior. the pakatan leaders should begin from now on visiting affected areas that need attention, i.e. those areas which are underdeveloped and are isolated in the mainstream economic progress. the pakatan leaders should ask themselves: what can we do for sabah that the bn leaders cant or choose not to do? when the rakyat feels confident that they have the alternative, i am surely it will not be impossible for the pakatan rakyat to take over the government from bn. simply put, you need to show us your worth first then we will give our vote to ensure your victory in the coming elections. crossing party does not reflect the rakyat's democratic decision, as it will erode their convidence in the democratic institution that we long want to uphold.

political tsunami stikes malaysia

2008-03-09T22:15:00.000-07:00

i slept at 4 am yesterday to watch the 2008 election results and i was not surprised at all that the opposition was able to make inroads in many constituencies across the nation. several of my predictions especially on sabah are wrong but nationally it turns out that indeed the opposition has managed to deny bn a big win this time. in sabah, the opposition only managed to win two seats through dap in kota kinabalu and sri tanjung respectively. the muslim bumiputera and the kadazandusun are solidly behind bn. why did the muslim and kadazandusun back the bn candidates though there was strong indication initially that they would vote for the opposition? well, it is true that one should not rely too heavily on assumption and unsubtantiated claims. the claims that some section of the muslim community in sabah are not happy with musa and umno are completely flawed if the election results are taken into consideration. all the muslim seats went to bn/umno and pkr was not able to even pose a strong challenge to umno. except in a few seats, the kadazandusun this time gave their solid support to bn as they knew they would not gain anyting from the opposition and that they thought it is better to back the bn then supporting the weak alliance of opposition parties. but several leaders though were able to pose strong challenge. a case in point is jeffrey in bingkor. if not for the presence of independent candidates in the area, jeffrey could have won the seat against justin guka of bn. the latter only managed to scrap through with a 174-majority vote. this shows that jeffrey is still a force to be reckoned with in sabah politics. when he stood at the same consitituency, challenging joseph kurup in 2004 as an independent candidate, jeffrey only lost to the former with a 300-something vote (i have not checked the validity of this fact. i will pose another version if there's any mistake).

another pkr candidate jurin gunsalam in tandek also had to be denied by the split votes caused by the independents. if the independents gave way to jurin to content one-on-one with anita, the latter's winning margin would only be 200-something votes. other constituency which shows the opposition's strong presence is in kepayan. edward khoo of bn won the seat with a majority vote of 2062. if the opposition parties dap and pkr set aside their ego, they could have denied khoo a victory in kepayan and thus provided another opposition seat in the state assembly. it goes without saying the the failure of the opposition in sabah to form a strong pact resulted in the convincing win of the bn.

i am, however, correct in saying that the opposition will be able to make inroads in several chinese and indian seats in peninsular malaysia and that bn is still strong in sarawak. the problem with the opposition in sarawak, i would like to reiterate, is that they are unable in forming a formidable alliance and thus give bn a significant challenge.

okay guys, i will give more thought on the elections once i have gone through the election results in detail.

the upcoming 2008 general elections: things to be closely observed

2008-02-10T01:00:00.000-08:00

after about two years and a half struggling to finish my thesis, i finally managed to complete the first draft and sent it to the graduate school for examination. i hope the examiners would not take a long time to read my thesis. my focus now is on preparing lectures to diploma and bachelor students at uitm sabah campus.

i want to write something about the upcoming general elections today. i think it is interesting because of several reasons: first, it will show whether the badawi administration is still supported by the electorate after much criticims ranging from its inability to weed out corruption to its failure in reviving the stagnant economy. second, it will test the opposition's power after the strong grassroots political mobilisation led by former deputy prime minister anwar ibrahim particularly in rural areas. third, it will show whether the ruling barisan nasional will be able to maintain the chinese and indian support. indication is that bn might lose several chinese and indian seats in the peninsular malaysia. already, the opposition has played out the hindraf issue and several hindraf key leaders have shown strong desire to stand as candidates.

personally, whatever the observation is, i think bn would win the elections but with a reduced number of seats particular in sabah and several chinese and indian seats in the peninsular malaysia. i don't think the opposition would be able to make an impact in sarawak as what it did in 2004. at best, i think the opposition might be able to retain its status quo while at the same time deny bn's majorities in several marginal seats. part of the problem among the opposition parties in sarawak is that they are unable to find a comprehensive solution to seat allocation and that they fail to campaign aggressively on a number of contentious issues such as the ncr issue, logging, and the "orang ulu" problem. having said that, the taib administration is still well entrenced in sarawak and as usual he will give bn a big win.

in sabah, the opposition might win several seats, in particular kadazandusun seats because the kadazandusun are now split between pbs, upko and pbrs. the sentiment played out by the opposition led by jeffrey and his keadilan comrades is that the kadazandusun has been alienated and that their rights have been ignored. the kadazandusun are very sentimental about their rights and they have long thought that their economic marginalisation is something which their leaders have failed to address. since pbs is no longer seen as champion to the kadazandusun people, the kadazandusun might turn their back on pairin and support jeffrey instead. upko might create an upset if it could project its image as the new champion to the kadazandusun people. what it needs to do is to convince bn to allocate it with more kadazandusun-majority seats. this if this were to happen, it would draw strong reaction from pbs which currently controls the kadazandusun seats .

sabah development corridor: the government must ensure it is not just an election gimmick

2008-02-03T10:47:00.000-08:00

sabah has finally come up with its own corridor called "sabah development corridor" launced by the pm a couple of days ago. i am not sure, it might be the seventh development corridor in malaysia after the first corridor introduced by tun mahathir not long ago. the sabah development corridor will focus on developing three niche areas namely manufacturing, tourism and agriculture. i dont have the copy of the blueprint for sabah's 18-year development plan though i was made to understand that it is distributed for public viewing. when attending my public administration class the other day, most of my students were missing. i was told that they were asked to attend the launching of the corridor. but few made it to the class and i didn't mince my words to ask them what they understand about the corridor. well done!...they knew the basics. but when i asked if the project is good for sabah and its people in the long run, i received mixed reactions.

let me put it this way. i think what the present government should do is to fulfill all those promises made during the past elections. in 1994, i remember, under the sabah baru concept, the government had promised among other things, to provide a roof for every sabahan and as well as to ensure zero poverty by the year 2000. now 16 years has passed, sabah, though rich in natural resources, is still among the poorest state in malaysia. and recently according to the undp report, the kadazandusun are among the poorest of malaysian ethnic minority. we want to know what has the government achieved so far in tackling the issue of poverty eradication, as well as other pressing issues as per contained in the previous election manifesto. as rakyat, we want to ensure the government has fulfilled its promises first before giving our support for another costly development project. the government must ensure this project, as one of my student put it, is not an election propaganda and certainly not, using the pm's own words, "angan-angan mat jenin".

i will support the corridor provided i am convinced that a feasibility study has been done to look into its benefits to sabah and its people. i would love to read the study and give my input in areas which i am familiar with. in the same way, the government must also educate the public on the importance of having the corridor in sabah. i hope it is not another empty promise as a means to influence the people's minds to support the government whose term of office will expire very soon.

i am back...

2008-01-23T01:02:00.000-08:00

i will be back with more postings soon. right now, i am busy preparing the final submission of my thesis for final examination. to students who have been informed about this blog, please bear with me as there will be more discussions on current political issues in this blog soon. by the way, i am very sad with the untimely passing of the young actor, heath ledger. i came across the news about his death today on cnn. of course, no one wants to speculate the reason for his death. some say it is drug related; others suggest that he might have committed suicide. his legacy will be remembered by all who have watched him acting in good movies such as brokeback mountain, casanova, patriot, etc.

the god and lord debate

2007-12-01T01:36:00.000-08:00

last sunday i led a small group discussion among the youths at sib asia city about the much debated issue of whether jesus is god and lord. my interest in the subject was sparked by the confusion among some christians regarding the divinity of jesus. further, the subject has always been used by those who attack the christian faith without christian themselves being able to provide convincing rebuttals. i knew the risk of delving deeper into the subject because either i would be considered as heretic or a false teacher just in case our conclusion has been proven to be outright wrong. but as a christian, i took the challenge to scrutinise the very essence of the christian belief. i think this is necessary to enable christians particularly the youths to understand with their intellect what the christian belief is all about. i understand that based on unverified data, a lot of christians have left their faith simply because they thought they were committing themselves to a false faith and that the faith has too many unresolved contradictions. my aim in the discussion was not to pursue any specific theological understanding nor was it an attempt to ask the youths to accept my reasoning as the most definitive one.

of course, after the discussion ended, there were two groups of people emerging: the first group believed that jesus was god (god who became human) based on the concept of trinity while the other group believed that jesus was lord (not god who became human) but who possessed the divine character of god because he and god were one. i provided the contexts within which christians have been taught for centuries that jesus was god as well as other alternative arguments based on the literal meaning of john 1:1-14 which suggested that god "came" into this world not in the human form but in the form of "logos" or "word". it was the word that became jesus. i also asked my fellow christian how to deal with the so-called contradictions in the bible which seemed to undermine jesus' claim of being "god". the first group tried to answer the question, again, using the trinitarian concept while the second group strictly focused on the literal translation of john 1:1-14 and claimed that such understanding would be compelling enough to explain jesus' state of divinity. as a supplement, i took with me a couple of books as our reference. they were:

lee stroble's "the case for christ"

beduhn's highly acclaimed book "truth in translation: accuracy and bias in english translation of the new testament"

the new international version of the bible
the new world translation of the bible

finally...the eye-to-eye meeting with the huguan siou (kadazandusun paramount leader)

2007-12-01T00:30:00.000-08:00

after almost a year, i managed to see the huguan siou at the state assembly on november 21. i have been trying to locate the huguan siou since early this year and it had been a very difficult task to get a time to meet him. thank god both his special assistants were kind enough to chip me in despite datuk pairin's busy schedule. my interview with him lasted less than an hour and i was reminded by his special assistant not to take his time too long for he needed to go into the assembly for another round of debate. i thank the huguan siou that he took the opportunity to meet me up after answering the second question posted by his bn comrades. it was an interesting interview and datuk pairin was very frank and amicable. he answered my questions with clarity and with his husky voice. had i been given enough time to interview him, our discussion would have been lasted for hours because datuk pairin seemed to be interested to share with me his experience and personal stories as president and founder of parti bersatu sabah (pbs). judging from his response, datuk pairin was a party loyalist and he stood by his principles to stay on with pbs for as long as he could. when datuk pairin needed to be critical, he did not mince his words and some of his views regarding berjaya, mahathir and during pbs' years in the opposition were consistent with other primary and secondary sources that i have.

well, i think for those who follow sabah politics closely, datuk pairin's background does not need further mention. it would be suffice to say that he is synonymous with pbs and the kadazandusun and has been well remembered for his workmanlike attempt in unseating the mighty berjaya government in 1985. for some (including myself), the pbs' rise to power was one of remarkable feat and one of the most well remembered political events in malaysia's history. that was why after winning the tambunan by-election in 1985, pairin and the tambunan people were given a "special award" by the aliran (malaysian justice movement). since my research is an attempt to look into datuk pairin's role as huguan siou and president of the influential kdca in ensuring pbs' survival, a large portion of my descriptive-analytical explanation has been devoted to datuk pairin.

now that i have almost successfully interviewed all the founding members of pbs. it is good if i can interview all but some have not replied my requests while some have found it difficult to spend time with me due to their busy schedule. my last interview (i hope it would be the last) would be with another sabah's political supremo--former pairin's arch-rival and a one-time close ally to former malaysian pm, tun mahathir--datuk harris salleh.

in the meantime, i am almost finished writing my first draft and hopefully i could prepare for the first submission before the end of this month. the writing process has been very tough but my supervisor's advice to keep it simple, understandable and clear has motivated me to stay focus until the THESIS is clear and defendable during the viva. i remember telling a friend that after almost two years of writing and researching, i am still trying to figure out what my THESIS is! (*a thesis is a simple statement that you make and one which you will be defending)

with the huguan siou and president of parti bersatu sabah, datuk joseph pairin kitingan at his office at the state assembly. note that when the interview was undertaken, datuk pairin had briefly skipped the question-and-answer session for which i had been humbled and grateful.

with datuk pairin's special assistants basel and daniel. the interview would not have been successful without their help. their duties, as i had observed, were not just preparing the necessary paperworks for datuk pairin and "filtering" the hundrends (perhaps more) of people who wanted to meet the huguan siou, they also had to make sure that datuk pairin was well groomed and ready for the camera whenever asked to.

my phd journey...opps...which part is it already? nevermind...

2007-11-03T07:30:00.000-07:00

my phd journey begins with my encounter with another former pbs supremo, datuk yong teck lee. here's my journey entry which i have cut and then paste into this blog...

I managed to find a place to write this journal entry and before that recording my interview transcript with Datuk Yong Teck Lee. Well today I want to talk about my recent interview with Datuk Yong, the former Deputy President of PBS and Chief Minister. I was glad that before I went for the interview, I received a phone call from him that he would prefer to be interviewed early as the date we agreed on previously was not suitable for him. What surprised me was that he called me personally using his office phone, breaking the protocol of using the private secretary which many politicians still adhere to. I thought someone must have bluffed me by introducing himself as Datuk Yong. But judging from his voice, I knew it was Datuk Yong Teck Lee—the man whom many have blamed to have caused PBS’s downfall in 1994.

The interview was conducted a bit late as Datuk Yong was out of town and would only arrive at 430pm. It was already 5pm that suddenly someone who was very familiar to Sabah politics appeared at the front door. He greeted me and others who were waiting for him for about an hour. I let the two guys meet him first as I assumed they had made an appointment earlier. The two chaps did not take a long time to have an audience with Yong. I went into his room and gave him a broad smile and of course was thinking of ways how to impress him with the "first impression". It worked with Datuk Jeffry I guess. I went on by telling him that his office looked cozy and comfortable, he smiled and told me that his office was upstairs. Then I told him of the purpose of the interview and my personal background.

To cut the story short, my interview with Datuk Yong lasted less than an hour compared to the three-hour interview I had with Datin Jamilah and Datuk Jeffry. Yong was very frank with my questions and he put it bluntly that he was not involved and had never attempted to topple Pairin. He even dismissed the claim that it was his forecast that led PBS to withdraw from BN. Like Jeffry, Yong did not put any grudge against Pairin except that he said Pairin had failed in a number of things as a leader.

Datuk Yong was articulate and passionate about his new political struggles with the BN. Call him now a BN staunch supporter who wants to see development to reach to every nook and corner of Sabah.

i am back...

2007-11-02T08:36:00.000-07:00

well, i kind of miss blogging very much...it has been a very long time indeed. you may want to know what's with the "quitness". i am not going nowhere...i am still here doing my thesis. yes...i am glad that i am almost there to complete the first draft...yes...just the first draft! apart from that, i am busy taking care of my wife who is now undergoing a chemotheraphy for trophoblastic disease. in case you may want to now what it is...just google the the word and you will be enlightened by how rare the disease is and how dangerous it can be if not treated early. i am also glad that the specialist doctor who treats my wife has been very kind and approachble--better that the previous one who thinks that a patient does not deserve to know about his/her sickness because perhaps it is too scientific to be explained. i still remember when i asked how strong is the "chemical" used on my wife, he just simply said, "enough to kill you!". then, he just simply left and did not bother to explain what sort of situation that i and my wife have to endure throughout the treatment. so, i had to learn all by myself and took the opportunity looking for information about chemotheraphy and the tropoblastic disease in the internet. i found a lot and read selectively due to time constraint. i am in a better position now to understand what my wife has been through and what i need to prepare next. my blog entry today is a tribute to a kind doctor named dr. yong of likas hospital. may god bless you doc!

note: in case if you have noticed, i have used small letters in the latest two blog entries. there's nothing usual about that though. it is just that when i write i want the idea to flow freely without having to concern much about the "caps lock" and "shift" buttons.

away for some time...

2007-10-21T08:13:00.000-07:00

just in case if you are wondering why this blog hasn't been updated for a long time, that's because i am struggling to finish the second last chapter of my thesis. i have promised my supervisor that i will submit the first draft of my thesis before december this year to prepare for the viva next year and i should by now refrain from giving more excuses. so please bear with me as i will from time to time give more updates on what's going on. in the meantime, forgive me for my sloppy comment on the 2008 national budget. due to time constraints and lack of training in economics, i admit that i should be more careful in providing a comment on a policy document of national concern. with that, i shall refrain from giving more comments on the 2008 budget--meaning no plus and minus points discussion on the budget by now.

The 2008 Budget: An Election "Sweetener"

2007-09-11T02:41:00.000-07:00

I have not gone through the 2008 Budget in detail but I would like to post my general comment on it. In my next entry, I will provide both the plus and minus points of the budget for all of us to discuss.

CERTAINLY THE 2008 BUDGET MANAGES TO AROUSE A FEEL GOOD FACTOR AMONG THE PEOPLE IN LIGHT OF THE UPCOMING GENERAL ELECTION. APART FROM PROVIDING VARIOUS SWEETENERS TO THE PEOPLE, THE BUDGET DOES NOT ADDRESS OTHER PRESSING ISSUES SUCH AS HOW TO SPUR DOMESTIC ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AND WHAT THE GOVERNMENT IS GOING TO DO IN FACING STIFF COMPETITION IN THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET LIBERALISATION. THE BUDGET ALSO FAILS TO ADDRESS THE ISSUE OF TRANSPARENT GOVERNMENT AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE. I WOULD HOPE TO SEE THAT EFFORTS ARE BEING PUT IN PLACE (PARTICULARLY IN THE MONETARY TERMS) TO ACHIEVE THE GOOD GOVERNANCE OBJECTIVE BUT SADLY I HAVE NOT SEEN THIS IS TOUCHED IN THE BUDGET. HOW ABOUT THE GOVERNMENT’S ASPIRATION TO SEE A HEALTHIER MALAYSIAN SOCIETY? I DON’T THINK THE GOVERNMENT IS SERIOUS AS THE “SIN TAX” (TAXES ON CIGARETTES AND LIQUOR”) HAS REMAINED IN ITS CURRENT RATE. I WOULD LIKE TO MAINTAIN THAT I AM NOT IMPRESSED BY THE BUDGET 2008. IF I WERE TO MAKE COMPARISON, THE RECENTLY RELEASED AUDITOR-GENERAL’S REPORT HAS DONE A RELATIVELY BETTER JOB.

I read both the The Star and New Sunday Times on Sunday (September 9) and thought that it was the former which did a better reporting by highlighting the mismanagement of public funds as contained in the Auditor-General's Report.

The Kundasang and Manukan Island Weekend Escapade

2007-09-10T08:09:00.000-07:00

It was a breezy day in Kundasang. I took the oppurtunity to reflect and just to think about anything. I skipped breakfast with my wife and in-laws simply because I didn’t want to miss experiencing the beautiful morning in Kundasang particularly with the majestic Mount Kinabalu right before my very eyes! It was indeed a fantastic view! Well, after all, this was a great time to write with the surrounding, quiteness, simple life and just the typical kampung atmosphere. I assumed the temperature to be below than 20 degree celcius but for someone who had a problem dealing with cold temperature like me, it would sometimes be quite an uncomfortable situation to be dealt with. Anyway, I could cope well despite the sneezing. I wish I could buy a land and start a new life here after official retirement (that would be 40-50 years from now, I guess). The place was just too wonderful for someone who wanted to have a simple yet meaningful life like me. In the afternoon, we decided to go to Poring: I went to visit the orchid garden and canopy walk while my wife and in-laws went to swim at the nearby pool.

Enjoying the wonderful morning at the Zen Garden Resort, Kundasang

Writing my journal while enjoying a cup of coffee

The majestic Mount Kinabalu taken at 730 in the morning

After our trip to the National Park and Poring, we went to Pulau Manukan the next day. Again, we pampered ourselves with the white sandy beach and colourful coral reefs. But I was disappointed that while going snorkeling, I saw plastic wastes at the bed of the sea near the precious coral reefs, indicating that they were those who simply ignored how to treat the environment carefully. I wonder if the authorities have done the initiative to clean up the mess. Otherwise, it would give a really bad impression to tourists. Despite the jellyfish warning, I went ahead swimming with nephew Haikal Daniel. However, sis-in-law, Janet, said she was stung but not that serious.

At the entrance to Pulau Manukan Resort

Ready to take on the "Banana Boat" challenge. Just imagine for just less that 30-minute adventure, they charged us RM150. So, was it worth it? I don't think so. Nevertheless, we enjoyed ourselves. Sitting at my back is my wife Charlyn followed by mom-in-law, Ann, and Charlyn's non-identical twin, Cathryn.

The 2007 SIB Youth Conference

2007-08-25T02:06:00.000-07:00

I attended the annual conference for two days in a row but I missed the final day on Thursday. I was busy manning our kiosk and selling our newly released CDs and cassettes. I only attended the night session where the entrance was free. Normally, people would throng the hall at night as was the case in the previous conference. I decided to concentrate on my PhD research and had to miss being a full time participant of the conference (I am now under pressure to finish writing the first draft of my thesis by December this year). This time, the organiser invited Rev. Jose Carol from Indonesia to be the lead speaker. I had listened to his sermon and thought that it was excellent and relevant to the youths. Rev. Carol was a young man and president of the highly popular The True Worshippers Group from Indonesia. The morning and afternoon sessions saw some of the local preachers being entrusted to lead and mentor the young people. They included Dr. Jamili Nais, Pastor Charles, Mr. Willian Pan and his wife. The theme of this year's conference was "Kemuliaan Tuhan" (literally means, "God's Glory"). These are some of the pictures taken during the conference. Hope you all would enjoy them!

Rev. Jose Carol delivering his sermon.

Walter, Charlyn (my wife), John and I taking a short break for a candid pose at our kiosk. Well, we were happy that our cds and cassettes were sold like "pisang panas" that night. The sale could have been better if more people were involved in the promotional activities. If you wish to buy our new album called "Ku Temukan Kasih", please let me know. As for my book, the participants (of whom mostly were youths below the age of 18) were clearly not interested with an "old stuff" and with someone which they had little or no knowledge at all. I don't blame them. It is just that I had chosen the wrong place to sell my book.

Overall, my thoughts of the conference are as follows:

the music arrangment was great and saw tremendous improvement compared to the previous conferences
the sermon was okay but the substance might be a bit "off-tangent" looking at the fact that those below the age of 15 might think it is too complicated to them
the crowd at night was unbearable and this, to a certain extent, affected the smooth running of the conference
the participants should have been divided into two categories: teenagers--below the age of 18 and young adult--19 and above. The age limit should be set at 35. The categorisation will ensure that more focus can be directed at the targeted groups.

Is Malaysia an Islamic or Secular State?

2007-08-08T07:04:00.000-07:00

The debates are still on-going but there appears to be no seriousness in Malaysia to end the polemics once and for all. Ending the polemics might not be possible but if there is a forum to explain to the men-in-the-street of whether Malaysia is an Islamic or secular state, then, I think, the issue would continue to be sensasionalised. The national-level forum should involve high-ranking government officials, academics, community leaders and those approriate individuals. The discussion should stick to fact than emotion by looking at the Federal Constitution--the highest law in Malaysia and the basis in which Malaysia was born. So far, the PM and DPM have failed to give satisfactory response on the issue. The MCA representative, so far, did a better job by furnishing various documents to support the secularist argument. But I, in particular, am touched by the analysis by Dr. Chandra Muzaffar of JUST who neither stated Malaysia being an Islamic state nor a secular one. He simply stated that Malaysia is a country that practices parliamentary democracy. I like Dr. Chandra's moderate and conciliatory approach than that of DPM and other UMNO politicians. The PM could have done a better job had he defended his view convincingly and invited Malaysian to a healthy debate on the issue. In the final analysis, to answer the question posted, my view is that MALAYSIA IS NOT AN ISLAMIC STATE, NOR IS IT A FULL SECULAR STATE. IT IS A SEMI-SECULAR STATE THAT PRACTICES PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY. By SEMI-SECULAR it is meant that though the element of being a secular country exists in the Malaysian Constitution, one must not forget the fact that there're also religious elements being practised in the administration particularly those related to the religion of Islam. But those elements do not make Malaysia an Islamic state. It is just that it has been practised as part of the Malaysian heritage. We should preserve and defend the constitution as it is and ensure that it is not misinterpreted to serve the veiled interests of certain people.

Growing Unemployment in Malaysia? Perhaps here's the proof...

2007-08-08T06:48:00.000-07:00

I went to accompany my cousin for a job interview at Kolej Yayasan Sabah. We did not expect that so many people (mostly young graduates) would attend. We came quite early, at 8.30 a.m. The first group of people who came with us numbered around 30-40. Then, after one hour later, the number swelled to 50, 60, and 100 just before lunch break. By 1.00 p.m. the number of people came to 200 and growing. This scenario reflects the problem facing the Malaysian workforce in particular young and fresh graduates. Based on my random conversations with those who attended, I knew that they were really desperate to find a job. In fact, my cousin has been jobless (I mean failing to find a permanent job) for 2-3 years after getting his degree from a public university. In Sabah, one can see a lot of shopping complexes being built not to mention countless of other construction projects. Well, I am not sure if these could be translated into jobs that would benefit the locals particularly the young graduates. The problem is, I think, there're too many university graduates with limited number of jobs created. In the economic terms, the supply has outnumbered the demand. Certainly, the economist, Mohd. Ariff of MIER, is right when he said that despite Malaysia's encouraging economic development, the serious problem of unemployment still persists. I am worried that if this problem continues, Malaysia's pool of human capital would be wasted to the detriment of our dream to achieve Vision 2020.

Up Coming New Book: "Balang Selutan: Gembala dan Penginjil Rentas Budaya"

2007-07-30T08:04:00.001-07:00

If you are interested to read this book, please do not hesitate to let me know and I will reserve for you. It is not too expensive, just RM25 per copy. This is a very simple book dedicated to my late grandfather, Balang Selutan, the former president of SIB (Sidang Injil Borneo or Evangelical Church of Borneo). Written in plain Bahasa Malaysia, the book encaptulates Balang's almost 49-year experience spreading the gospel to the interior of Borneo. The book is published by my beloved wife, Charlyn Daring and mother-in-law, Ann Raja (both are ardent SIB members) who hope to see that more works to be done to remember those (Balang's contemporaries) who had contributed in the development of SIB since 1930s. I am also a member of SIB and I will post more comments on SIB in this blog. For me, SIB is not just a religious organisation though most of its activities centre on maintaining the spiritual life and committment of its members. I believe SIB could also contribute in nation-building as most of its members are people from Sabah and Sarawak who are multiracial and call themselves as Malaysians. Of course there are issues when it comes to how SIB should remain relevant in this fast-moving and globalised world.

My Phd Journey (Part 3)

2007-07-20T20:48:00.000-07:00

My next interview was with Dr. Jeffry Kitingan (or Datuk), a former Sabah Foundation Director and head of the State Government think-tank, Sabah Institute for Development Studies. A prominent political analyst and scholar who has written a lot on Sabah and Sarawak politics once told me that Sabah politics is lame without Dr. Jeff. To a certain extent, I do agree with him. For Sabahans in general, they remember Dr. Jeff as someone who is as hard as rock in pursuing the mother of all issue in Sabah: the Twenty-Point Agreement. During the PBS rule from 1985 to 1994, Dr. Jeff was charged with various questionable corruption charges and later detained under the ISA for his vociferous campaign against the Federal Government. Some believed these actions were trumped up by some federal leaders, hoping to see the downfall of Pairin and PBS. I, for one, have always regarded these actions as too convenient to be credible.

So, before meeting Dr. Jeff, I had been looking for anyone who has Dr. Jeff's telephone number. Thank God I found one and the person was an influential figure and once a close aide to Dr. Jeff. After I got Dr. Jeff's number, I rushed to give him a call. Unlike other YBs and Datuks, I didn't have much trouble in arranging for an interview with Dr. Jeff. When I told him that I was doing a research on the political development in Sabah, he simply said that I could come and see him the next day. I was glad that I didn't have to succumb myself to unnecessary protocols that could have wasted a lot of my time.

So, I set my interview with Dr. Jeff at 9.30 a.m.. I, however, went to his house early at 9.00 a.m.. When I reached at the guardhouse, the security guy (though I assumed that he was a gardener based on his demeanour) didn't stop my car and interrogate me. He gave me a big smile instead. When I asked, "Datuk ada?", he simply pointed at a white mansion about 10 metres away from the guardhouse. I wasn't alone having an appointment with Dr. Jeff as there were also two chaps waiting patiently for their turn. It was already 10.00 a.m. when suddenly a Chinese lady appeared and told me that Dr. Jeff was ready to be interviewed. While at Dr. Jeff's office, I was served with a cup of coffee (my favourite) and with some local delicacies. I also took the opportunity to observe Dr. Jeff's office which was filled with expensive furniture and a considerable number of books. As I was enjoying my coffee and doing a final check on my interview questions, Dr. Jeff suddenly appeared, sweating all over his body. He apologised for being late and gave me a very firm handshake.

Dr. Jeff spoke eloquently about Sabah politics and he was very frank in his analysis. For almost two hours we dealt head-on on what happened in Sabah during the period of 1985 to 1994. He shared with me several reasons why PBS finally fell from power after almost nine year as ruling government. Interestingly, Dr. Jeff told me that actually, the reason why Harris was so mad (if I can use such a word) at Pairin was because Dr. Jeff's actions in questioning a number of Harris's policies. As Dr. Jeff went to Harvard after his riff with Harris, Harris had no one but Pairin to throw his anger at. Well, this could be possible but Pairin himself had been critical to Harris and to say that Harris abandon Pairin just because of Dr. Jeff seems to be too simplistic of an argument. Well, perhaps Pairin knows better what happened then. Wait for my next journey with him.

The last one hour my interview with Dr. Jeff focused on UMNO and Dr. Jeff's struggles with PKR in which he is a vice president and state deputy chairman. On UMNO, Dr. Jeff suggested that Sabah is moving towards being colonised by a peninsular party and UMNO's economic monopoly is no longer a secret. Dr. Jeff seemed to be optimistic that PKR would be able to make inroads in Sabah and that PBS is losing its influence among the grassroots. Well, Dr. Jeff didn't simply make empty allegations. He provided with scenarios and facts to explain how UMNO's hegemony has become well entrenched in the system. Those scenarios and facts, of course, are for us to analyse and argue.

Ok, let me just sum up my stimulating interview with Dr. Jeff. The main points are:

that, again, PBS's rise was contributed by the Chinese and Malay support (especially in 1986). The electoral results in 1986 pointed out clearly that the Muslim community had swung their support to PBS after losing hope with USNO. This was the time when PBS's claim to multiracialism was best reflected. To reiterate, the Kadazanism is just a minor factor.
that because of Pairin-Musa meeting in Boston, which Dr. Jeff alleged was arranged by him, had contributed significantly to PBS's speedy approval by the ROS. Of course, others have suggested that Dominic Puthucheary's role was also significant (since he was the one who met Musa and asked him to get PBS registered immediately). One thing that I really want to know is whether it is true that Musa didn't like Harris because Harris didn't support Musa for the contest of UMNO deputy president post. This, however, remains just a speculation.

that, unlike other states in Peninsular Malaysia, democracy, in the strictest sense of the term, is really dynamic in Sabah at the time when PBS rose to prominence. Dr. Jeff called this as the "dynamics of democracy". Without the interference of the Federal Government and the non-partisan local newspapers, Pairin and PBS got the sympathy of the ordinary people, especially after the abrogation of Tambunan as a district.

that, Pairin "was in a haste" when deciding to pull PBS out of BN. Pairin didn't really know what to do and when it had become obvious that PBS would eventually fall from power, Pairin's key supporters decided to turn their back on him and hence, the infamous "katak" (frog) incidence (the term coined by my supervisor, Prof. James Chin. See "Kataks, Kadazan-Dusun Nationalism and Development: The 1999 Sabah State Election" [1999]). Dr. Jeff also revealed the "traitors" behind PBS's fall but I am not going to reveal them yet as I need to cross-reference with other interviewees.

that, all the legal actions, including the arrest for alleged corruption charges and later the detention under the ISA against Dr. Jeff were orchestrated by certain federal leaders who wanted PBS out from the face of Sabah politics.

To learn more about Dr. Jeff's new struggle with PKR, I reproduce here the article I wrote to Malaysiakini for readers to comment on.

LET JEFFRY BLAZE THE TRIAL TRIAL FOR SABAH'S OPPOSITION
(source: Malaysiakini)

Sabah politics has once again come to the limelight with Jeffrey Kitingan’s admission into Parti Keadilan Rakyat, or simply Keadilan. Jeffrey is known for jumping one party to another; and has been particularly recognised as the ‘brains’ behind all things controversial in Sabah politics. If we can still remember, he stirred the hornet’s nest in the late 1980s by pursuing the mother of all issues in Sabah - the Twenty Point Agreement. Jeffrey then was arrested and detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) for purportedly plotting Sabah secession from Malaysia. In short, as an academician once told us, Sabah politics is lame without Jeffrey. Perhaps the question that lingers in the minds of all people is this: why is Jeffrey suddenly making a ‘U-turn’ by joining the Peninsula-based party? Is his joining the party driven by his belief that the party could make significant inroads like it did in Kuching, Sarawak? Even though some people regard Jeffrey’s political comeback as nothing more than a political stunt, some, however, argue that he was encouraged to join the party in view of the fact that there is no strong opposition in Sabah that can ensure checks and balances in the Umno-dominated state legislative assembly. A close observer of Sabah politics told us that Jeffrey has nothing constructive to offer to the people of Sabah and that the issues he is trying to play up are ‘outdated’. Other observers remarked that it doesn’t matter what he does and what matters most is that there is an attempt made to diffuse Umno’s growing dominance.
As we believe in the workings of a parliamentary democracy which Malaysia claims to practice, Jeffrey’s decision to join Keadilan and the party’s presence in Sabah would hopefully provide the opportunity for the people to air their dissatisfactions to the present government. Interestingly, Jeffrey surprised everyone by launching his ‘political comeback’ in the predominantly Kadazandusun-majority constituency of Tambunan. Tambunan, about 70km from the capital city of Kota Kinabalu, is the place where Jeffrey’s older brother, Joseph Pairin, had his political career transformed, which led to the formation of the Parti Bersatu Sabah, or PBS, which is now one of the state BN component parties.
Did Jeffrey choose Tambunan because just like his brother, he wanted his political career to take a different turn? Well, we think it is very unlikely because unlike Pairin, Jeffrey does not have a significant political mileage that would cause the Tambunan people to pour their sympathy on him. When the Berjaya government led by Harris Salleh introduced the term ‘pribumi’ and tried to ‘de-Kadazan-ise’ Sabah, the Kadazandusun community rallied behind Pairin and gave him their all-out support. So, it was entirely a different case for Pairin then. Yes, it is true that Tambunan is Jeffrey’s hometown but does he have something different - if not an entirely new thing - to offer to the Kadazandusun community? But Jeffrey’s comeback must be greeted with an open mind and it is good to remind Umno and the other state BN component parties that the people are tired of the status quo and need alternative avenues to air their plight. The general feeling in Sabah at this moment is that the state government led by Umno has become too ‘strong’ and the fact that there is no opposition in the assembly has contributed to the growing perception that ‘Umno takes all and leaves very little or nothing for its BN counterparts’. The assembly is currently controlled by BN - a coalition of multiracial parties - led by Umno followed by PBS, Upko, Sapp, LDP, MCA, PBRS and independents. Umno holds 32 seats while PBS has 13, Upko 5, Sapp 4, LDP 3, MCA 1, PBRS 1 and one independent assemblyperson. Looking at this equation, it is clear that power rests in the hands of Umno assemblypersons. In politics, numbers make a lot of difference and the absence of opposition assemblypersons in the assembly makes it rather difficult for opposing, if not critical views, to flourish. But can’t the BN parties themselves provide opposing views during debates? Yes, they can, but conventional wisdom has it that when the opposing parties are part of the ruling government, they are bound by collective principles which prevent them from providing critical views. These collective principles, if broken, would normally result in the persons who aired the opposing views being censured or disciplined. So, looking at this scenario, it is necessary for there to be opposition political parties to provide critical views on matters of public interests. The argument that the people do not want the opposition parties to represent them - as indicated during elections - holds no water in light of the questionable and lack of independence of the electoral process in Malaysia. Unless the Election Commission carries out its responsibilities without the interference from the government, the electoral process in Malaysia will remain doubtful. As it is, critical views have often been pursued by individual personalities and non- governmental organisations. In the case of Sabah, it has always been Cash led by Patrick Sindu which assumes the role of the ruling states government’s ‘shadow cabinet’ and not to mention Keadilan, which is now working actively with the grassroots and concerned citizens. Sadly, some quarters in the state BN accuse Sindu and his Cash colleagues of overstepping their role as a watchdog for consumer issues. But since NGOs are not in the state assembly and have no legislative power to introduce or amend policies, their roles have always been seen as secondary and ineffective. However secondary and ineffective their roles may be however, they contribute significantly to the fulfillment of the basic pillar of parliamentary democracy which Malaysia claims to adopt and that is engaging the ordinary citizens and articulating their plights and concerns to those in power. One may dispute Jeffrey’s sincerity or make an assumption that his merely attempting a political comeback, driven by a desire to grab power. But for all of us who view democracy as the ideal type of governance, Jeffrey and his counterparts in Keadilan must be commended and supported for their efforts in ensuring that power is not abused by certain individuals and that the people’s voices are heard appropriately. As the general elections nearing, it is time for the people to once again think wisely about whom to vote in and whom to vote out. The case in Sabah provides the opportunity for the people to ponder deeply about what happened to the Berjaya-led government in 1985 when the people’s power proved to be pivotal in overthrowing Harris Salleh and his men from the corridors of power. It is time for the people in Sabah to once again exercise the very power that is vested in them - the power to vote for the right kind of leaders.

Crisis Brewing in Sabah PKR (Part 2)

2007-07-19T07:55:00.000-07:00

I mentioned elsewhere in my writing (see, for instance, Malaysiakini [www.malaysiakini.com/letters/64324]) that PKR could become a force to be reckoned with in Sabah in the upcoming general election and that Dr. Jeffry's participation would put Sabah politics into limelight again. But the present leadership struggle in PKR would eventually weaken the party and give the impression that it would fail to pose a real challenge to Sabah BN led by UMNO. In this entry, I would like to write about the causes of the internal party squabble in PKR. It had been indicated earlier that Anwar wanted to replace Awang Tengah as Chief of Sabah PKR. Anwar's suggestion, however, was shot down by some especially by Sabah PKR Secretary, Kanul Gidol who suggested that the majority's voice must not be ignored when choosing the leader to lead Sabah PKR. The question that needs to be answered now is: why did Anwar prefer Ansari than Awang Tengah?

A source in PKR said that Ansari's Islamic appeal and his "convincing" approach to politics had caught Anwar's attention. Further, this source added, Ansari had managed to establish a "strategic alliance" with PKR's Director of Elections, Azmin Ali. It was suggested that it was probably Azmin who told Anwar to choose Ansari, considering the fact that Azmin has always been seen as Anwar's trusted ally cum adviser. Ansari's group has pointedly remarked that Anwar must be given the opportunity to appoint any individual to lead Sabah PKR as the party's constitution clearly states that the appointment of state leaders rests in the hand of the president (hence, Anwar's wife, Dr. Wan Azizah).

But Anwar's action, according to this source again, went against the larger agenda of the state PKR which wanted someone who understands what the state and its people need. The state PKR does not want to be told what to do and it wants to chart its own future in Sabah. Then, I asked this source, since PKR is a federal party and is headquatered in KL, doesn't this mean that it has direct control over Sabah and its policies must reflect the nation's interests at large? Well, this source unequivocally said no and insisted that Sabah must be treated differently. So is this struggle to pursue the "Sabah Agenda" contained in the "Tambunan Declaration" signed between Dr. Jeffry and Anwar Ibrahim? It might probably be yes according to the tune of Dr. Jeff's response to my questions when I asked his involvement in PKR. The lines are clearly drawn here and unless Anwar and his federal counterparts find the most appropriate solutions to solve once and for all PKR's internal party squabble in Sabah, they might have to face the risk of losing the support of the dissenting group which champions the Sabah Agenda.

The Lun Bawang Did It Again!!!

2007-07-18T11:12:00.000-07:00

Here's the pic of my latest article on the 2006 state election in Sarawak. If you wish to read the article, please let me know and I would give you a copy (but only on a first-come-first-serve basis as I am running out of copy). I would continue providing more analyses on the voting pattern of the indigenous communities in Sarawak as their voting behaviour is not so much influenced by ethnic and economic factors as one can see in other constituencies.

I also provide here the excerpt of the article:

"The BN's overall results seem to be reflected in the Ba'Kelalan constituency, which shows the Lun Bawang voting for the opposition candidate. Even though the popular votes between the opposition and the BN candidates were split between 49% and 51%, it is argued that the Lun Bawang
are divided on development, NCR land and religious outlook"

My Phd Journey (Part 2)

2007-07-18T09:41:00.000-07:00

I met the former MP for Tuaran, Yunuf Maringking, and asked him in particular about PBS (my main research subject). I was told that he knew about what happened in 1994 which saw PBS finally fell from power after almost nine year at the helm (which some said fulfilling the nine-year political jinx in Sabah). Yunuf is a prominent lawyer an a former legal adviser to PBS. The interview with him went on quite well and he was very frank about his view on PBS and the impacts of UMNO's entry into Sabah. The soft-spoken 50-something lawyer provided me a few inside stories in PBS which I think would be useful in understanding the internal party matter in PBS. Well, understanding the internal party matter in PBS is important as it relates to my hypothesis that PBS's fall is primarily contributed by the formation of factional groups in PBS as early as 1990 after the party withdrew from BN. Yunuf's views supported my arguments that:

PBS's rise was not caused and initiated by the Kadazandusun community alone. The Malay and Chinese community had also played their part. Anyway, I am still trying to figure it out if there were Kadazandusun groups formed to initiate the formation of PBS.
Musa Hitam, the then Deputy PM and Home Minister, was instrumental in approving the registration of PBS when several founding members of PBS (including Pairin) seemed to lose hope and had to join BERSIH/PASOK temporarily. If Musa's boss (Dr. [now Tun] Mahathir) was in Malaysia at that time, he would not have agreed to approve the registration of PBS. After all, Mahathir was a BERJAYA/Harris supporter and that he had made a pledge to "sink and swim" with the party.

What was Dr. Jeff's (Pairin's brother) role in PBS? The local newspaper regarded him as an "ideologue" of, and "theorist" for, PBS. My stimulating discussion with Dr. Jeff at his majestic mansion right on top of Bt. Padang, revealed that the 60-something Harvard graduate had played enormous, if not significant role in Sabah politics since the rise of PBS until its fall.

My Phd Journey (Part 1)

2007-07-18T09:08:00.000-07:00

My Phd research is going quite well in Kota Kinabalu despite a number of problems which I managed to overcome. Apart from the writing, one of the difficult parts is doing the interview. Of course, it is not so much of the interview that bothers me, it is the people whom I would be interviewing. So far, I have interviewed five prominent politicians in Sabah for my research. In my next entry, I would be sharing with you my experiences meeting with these five interesting personalities.

Oh...before that, I remember having to stop writing for almost three months while waiting for my laptop to be fixed. I was told that my hard drive had been attacked by an unknown virus and that I had to replaced it immediately. When I asked the technician if he could retrieve my documents (including my Phd file), he said he could not. I was really, really disappointed and told myself, well, this is it...I am going to write from scratch...that would be about 300-400 or so pages --a cumulated of almost two years of hardwork! Then, someone came to my rescue. It was my brother-in-law, Peter, an IT graduate specialising in computer software. So, I brought my laptop to his house, hoping that he could at least retrieve some of the important documents in my laptop. He did it...thank God! I didn't know how he did it! It happened so fast that he only looked at the laptop screen with all his ten fingers doing the job to fix the problem. I am now back with my almost three-year-old laptop with a brand new 80GB hard drive :)

Another new development is that I am now being supervised by two supervisors, A/P Dr. Andrew Aeria of UNIMAS and Prof. James Chin of Swinburne University. I am happy to be supervised by two prominent political analysts and scholars and I hope to be able to finish soon with their guidance.

Crisis Brewing in Sabah PKR

2007-07-17T09:39:00.000-07:00

The Star, Tuesday, July 17, 2007 contained the following report:

"KOTA KINABALU: All is not well with the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) in Sabah with a tussle over who is going to be the state chief. Sabah PKR secretary Kanul Gindol said 20 of the 23 division heads want incumbent Awang Tengah Awang Amin retained as state party chief. However, Kanul said that PKR adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had informed them that lawyer and Tuaran division head Ansari Abdullah may replace Awang Tengah. “I have made it clear that I want Awang Tengah or the party’s vice-president Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan to head Sabah PKR,” Kanul said yesterday. He said that several Sabah division leaders had made their stand known when party secretary-general Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim came to listen to their views at Dr Kitingan’s house on Friday. Claiming that Sabah PKR would “disintegrate” if there was a change in the leadership, Kanul said that Sabah was the only state where no one had been officially named to lead although Anwar had promised to do so within two weeks after party elections in May. When asked about Kanul’s statement, Dr Kitingan said it was Kanul’s personal opinion. “I feel that the views of the majority should be maintained. But the leadership may see things in a different angle and may feel that certain moves would strengthen the party here.” He said he would meet Anwar in the next couple of days to discuss the matter. Sabah PKR deputy chairman Christina Liew insisted that there was no crisis in the party and described the bickering as normal in any party"

When I met Dr. Jeff to interview him about my research on Sabah politics, he spoke passionately about his struggle with his new party, Parti Keadilan Rakyat or simply PKR. His participation in PKR was rather unique. He went to Tambunan and announced "officially" that he was going to fight for the people's rights through PKR. He even sealed an agreement known as "Tambunan Declaration" with PKR's adviser and one-time UMNO's strongman, Anwar Ibrahim. I thought Dr. Jeff chose Tambunan because he wanted his involvement in Keadilan to be dramatic, following his brother's (Pairin Kitingan) rise to prominence in Tambunan in 1985. But now, all seems not to be well in PKR Sabah with the latest power struggle to helm the post of Sabah PKR Chief. According to PKR's constitution, the presiden of the party has the prerogative to appoint state chief. But some in Sabah PKR maintained that Awang Tengah was suitable to be chief based on the majority voice of all divisions throughout the state. Anwar, it was said, wanted Ansari to replace Awang. It was not immediately known why Anwar preferred Ansari. But it seemed to indicate that Anwar wanted someone who could lead Sabah PKR to prominence as what Dominique Ng had done in Sarawak by contributing one PKR seat to the State Assembly. But all eyes are now on Dr. Jeff. Would he be taking on his brother in Tambunan? Or would he be able to making an impact through PKR? Well, the upcoming general election would probably show how relevant Dr. Jeff still is in Sabah politics.

Filipino Refugees in Sabah: the Federal Govenment Must Not Take the Easy Way Out

2007-07-17T08:49:00.000-07:00

Here's the newspaper report (The Star, Tuesday, July 17, 2007) about the Federal Government's alleged plan to give PR (Permanent Residence) status to Filipino refugees in Sabah:

"KOTA KINABALU: Sabah has rejected a federal proposal to issue permanent resident status to thousands of Filipino refugees in the state. Chief Minister Datuk Musa Aman said any proposal on a solution to the longstanding refugee problem should involve discussions with the state government. “We should be consulted on such issues,” Musa said amid mounting opposition from Sabah Barisan Nasional parties to a proposal that Filipino refugees be given PR status in a move to resolve the problem, which has been plaguing the state since the 1970s. Musa said he had contacted Minister in Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Nazri Abdul Aziz to inform him about the state’s firm stand on the issue. Nazri has been reported as saying that PR status would be given to refugees now holding the IMM13 immigration pass. “We hope that from now on we will be consulted on whatever matters involving illegal immigrants and refugees,” Musa told delegates at the Keningau Umno division meeting Tuesday. On June 26, Nazri, in written reply to a Tuaran MP Datuk Wilfred Madius Tangau, had said that the Federal Government planned to issue PR status to the 10,000 to 15,000 refugees, who had fled the civil war in the Philippines in the late 1960s. However, Nazri’s statement was met with criticism from both ruling Barisan parties as well as the opposition with Musa saying that he was not consulted on the matter"

Well, okay, finally the Federal Government has proposed a plan to solve the refugee problem or possibly the illegal immigrant problem in Sabah. But giving the PR status to those refugees would create the impression that the Federal Government is seeking the easy way out to solve the perennial problem. The proposed solution would be practical if the Federal Government takes into account the following:

are those holding IMM13 immigration pass are "genuine" refugees and not those who have been brought into Sabah illegally? The Federal Government must establish their identity and investigate whether they were the ones allowed by the Malaysian Government to seek refuge in Malaysia after the civil war erupted in the Southtern Philippines.
it was alleged that Musa and the State Government had not been consulted? Was this true? And then, how come matter concerning to Sabah's security was conviniently ignored by the Federal Government by not consulting state leaders? The federal and state leaders must sit down and brainstrom to find the most acceptable solutions to the problem. They also must not ignore the sensitivity of the people who have voiced out their dissatisfaction for long.
the suggestion made by Nazri's counterpart in the PM's Deparment, Bernard Dompok, to a certain extent, is worth considering. The State Government might have to shoulder the potential political, social and economic problems posed by the refugees if there were given the PR status. To ease this burden, Dompok had proposed, that the refugees be distributed to all over Malaysia.
the Federal Government must introduce a long-term plan to ensure that Sabah is well protected from the influx of illegal immigrants from the Southern Philippines. With the advent of advance technologies such as the GPS and so on, the problem of having to monitor Sabah's large boundaries and its close geographical position to the Southtern Philippines would no longer arise.
the Federal Government must investigate if these refugees had been used by certain quarters before for political expediency (i.e. to vote during elections) and must ensure that no one would used them again for such a purpose.

Unless the Federal Government explains the rational behind the move to give these refugees PR status with all quarters in Sabah properly consulted, the move would surely be miscontrued as another attempt to absorb non-Sabahans into the official population statistics.

Lina Joy Issue

2007-06-13T03:47:00.000-07:00

After much anticipation, the judgement on the Lina Joy's conversion from Islam to Christianity had finally been passed down by the Court of Appeal. Two of the presiding judges ruled in favour of the National Registration Department's decision to retain Lina's religious status in her IC while the dissenting judge, Richard Malanjun, argued that the NRD had been erred in disallowing Lina to change her religious status. Comments after comments had been posted on print and online newspapers, not to mention on internal blogs all over the world. I, for one, had expected that such a decision would finally be made, looking at the complex and intertwining nature of the Shariah and common laws in the Federal Constitution. As a Christian, I did not take heart when the decision was made. The judges had done their best to deliver a fair and balanced judgement in such a sensitive and much publicised issue. I see this issue as pure technical in nature. The problem lies solely on how one interprets the Constitution by looking at the political and social reality in Malaysia. The Federal Constitution itself had been drafted based on the "social contract" achieved between the various ethnic groups in Malaysia. The Federal Constitution is clear about this matter and I am in no position to comment. But since the issue of freedom and human rights have been brought into the picture, the government must carefully re-examine Lina Joy's and that of others' arguments that their freedom to believe have been abused or rather not respected. I hope the approriate authorities and responsbile NGOs would not stop from here and would continue recommending rational and practical solutions on the issue of freedom of religion in Malaysia. In the meantime, I urge all Christian in Malaysia not to be emotional and continue to pray for Lina Joy and others who have faced such a difficulty.

Deepening Conflicts Among Sabah's Political Elites

2007-06-13T03:37:00.001-07:00

Tan Sri Chong Kah Kiat’s recent resignation from the state cabinet has made all political observers excited. This excitement is generated by the fact that as a senior member in Datuk Musa Aman’s cabinet and a “survivor” in Sabah politics, Chong’s abrupt resignation has signalled another new conflict emerging among Sabah’s political elites. It has become obvious that the riff between Chong and Musa was resulted from the construction of the Goddess of the Sea (Ma Tzu) statue which had been stopped indefinitely on the latter’s order. The statue, it was argued, was to be built 600 metres away from the Asy-Syakirin Mosque and therefore would potentially offend the Muslim community in the surrounding area.

The stop-work-order, it is believed, is related to Musa’s personal vendetta on Chong after the Sipadan incident in which Musa was said to have approved a development project despite objection from Chong’s Ministry of Tourism. When the issue reached the prime minister’s attention, Musa’s was caught by surprise and thought that he had been embarrassed by Chong’s action (Daily Express, May 13, 2007). What would be the likely impacts of Chong’s resignation on Sabah politics and more particular on Musa’s leadership? The impacts might not be far-reaching but Chong’s actions so far have created ripples in the 12-year-old UMNO-dominated Sabah Government.

Sabah politics has always been embroiled in various crises and has always been seen as the real battleground for political parties and leaders alike. The era of “strongmen-politicians” and the rise of ethno-cultural consciousness in the form of Kadazanism have long departed from Sabah politics. Now, it is the era of hegemonic politics which shows UMNO trying to gain firmer foothold on Sabah politics.

Musa’s rise to prominence

Musa has been the Chief Minister of Sabah since 2003 after the scrapping of the rotation system of the chief minister post—an idea mooted by the then Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Mahathir Mohamad in 1994. A businessman by training and shrewd politician by default, Musa has the acumen of blending business and politics very well. Musa was first brought into the state cabinet in 1999 when he was appointed Minister in the Chief Minister’s Department. In 2001, he was appointed the powerful Minister of Finance—a post he still holds until today.

As someone who is holding the key power of the state treasury, Musa uses his influence to award lucrative contracts and tenders to his key allies in return for their political loyalty. Musa, it seems, has played his political card very well by establishing his political foundations early. By the time Musa was appointed Chief Minister of Sabah, he had already amassed a substantial amount of wealth (see various reports on Sabah in www.malaysiatoday.net).

So the growing dissatisfaction to Musa’s leadership is resulting from his economic monopoly and alleged blatant misuse of chief ministerial powers to ensure his continued grip on Sabah politics and economy. Musa's dominance, it appears, has angered some of the political elites including Chong. There might be a few other members of the state cabinet who are as principled as Chong but refuse to be critical to Musa for fear of being crossed-out from the latter’s patronage list. One source claimed that each head of the state-BN parties has been given lucrative contracts under the Ninth Malaysia Plan (RMK9). How much they have been given is everyone’s guess and their “elegant silence”, shows that their being critical at this juncture could backfire on them—politically and economically.

Current political configurations

The current political configurations in Sabah clearly shows that UMNO is holding the real power—holding 32 seats followed by PBS 13 seats, UPKO 5, SAPP 4, LDP 3, MCA 1, PBRS 1 and Independent 1 (www.sabah.gov.my). Musa’s “bargaining chips” has been his immense power in distributing economic benefits to his political loyalist across various parties. That is why it is very rare to see the state-BN leaders coming on hard on Musa, let alone being at loggerheads with him publicly.

If anything, the principles of coalition politics in the state cabinet is clearly absent and what we see coming into play is feudal-oriented politics marked by total submission to UMNO. This is understandable as the UMNO’s partners in the state alliance have their hands being tied firmly for wanting to survive through the economic patronage of UMNO.

Once in a while, one can hear Datuk Yong Teck Lee of SAPP (Sabah Action People’s Party) and Datuk Joseph Kurup of PBRS (Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah)—the veterans of Sabah politics—making noises here and there but without specifically singling out the growing dominance of UMNO. But the issues they have been harping on are nothing new to Sabahans such as illegal immigrants and fake identity cards. While they were in the corridor of powers they had done nothing much to solve the perennial problems. Thus the sincerity and determination of these seasoned politicians have always been questioned.

Whither Alternative Voice?

Pairin and PBS have been very synonymous with the struggles of the ordinary people and of the protection of state interests. So far despite criticisms that Pairin is not in his usual charisma and combative attitude, he is taking cautious approach to confront UMNO so as not to imply that he is against Musa’s leadership. Failing to convince UMNO that PBS is its trusted partner in the state BN could be damaging to PBS and its survival. There have been talks that PBS would team up with KEADILAN to topple UMNO. But judging from recent political scenarios, it is very unlikely that such a plan would materialise. But what is obvious in Sabah is that there are no reliable alternative voices to balance off UMNO’s growing dominance. Jeffry, for one, is trying to make a comeback and so far has ruffled feathers by “exposing” Musa’s alledged malpractices which include corrupt practices, abuse of power and other scandals.

The authorities so far have not taken any action against Jeffry’s numerous police reports. His teaming up with Anwar, the adviser of KEADILAN to make an impact in Sabah has so far failed to produce any desirable fruits as the latter is still seen by many Sabahans as an “opportunist” whose concern of Sabah internal politics is not more than a guise to make a comeback after being incarcerated from the political mainstream for six years. Sabahans well remember him as someone who is instrumental in bringing UMNO to Sabah to weaken the PBS who was in power at that time. Having said that, it would be difficult to trust Anwar of his real intention in Sabah as his record does not earn him respect nor admiration from Sabahans when he was in power.

Consequences of Chong’s resignation

Looking at the recent political developments in Sabah, it could be assumed that UMNO would continue to control the system and Musa would resume his chief ministership without any real challenge from his opponents. But Chong’s resignation in the long run would have an impact in terms of the Chinese electoral support in the upcoming election. The former prime minister Tun Mahathir Mohamad has rightly said that the Chinese, compared to Bumiputeras, as having a strategic mind as they would normally vote along issues affecting them and not on ethnic and religious lines. If Musa fails to find ways to dissuade the Chinese dissatisfaction over the cancellation of the statue project, he might be losing the Chinese votes in the upcoming election.

Another significant impact could be seen in his leadership style. It is said that Musa’s action was prompted by Chong’s combative attitude in dealing with the Sipadan issue. Musa perhaps has noticed that his leadership has been challenged by Chong’s sheer stubbornness. When the statue issue propped up, Musa took the opportunity to put more pressures on Chong and hence his abrupt resignation. If anything, Musa’s action has brought to the open of his Machiavellian leadership style. One of the tenets of this style is to get rid of dissents using whatever ways and means. But such a style is not always welcomed in Sabah. One clear example is during the rule of both Mustapha Harun of USNO (United Sabah National Organisation) and Harris Salleh of BERJAYA (Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah) which saw both were overthrown because of their authoritarian leadership style.

Ethnic relations in Sabah appears not to have been effected by the Musa-Chong riff. Perhaps in an attempt to quell the non-Muslim fears that religious freedom in Sabah is non-existent, Musa made some effort to meet with religious leaders and explained to them that his action was only meant to safeguard religious peace and harmony. Those attended the meeting appeared to be “happy” with Musa’s explanation (Daily Express, May 7, 2007). It is interesting to mention here that even though Sabah is quite diverse in its population composition, it has never gone through any religious conflicts prior and after independence like the May 13, 1969 or the Kampung Medan incidence in the Peninsular Malaysia. People of various races live in peace and harmony for decades even though their places of worships are built next to each other.

The Ma Tzu statue in Kudat is not the first to be built next to a mosque either in Sabah and Sarawak—the two states in which religious tolerance has been known to be high compared to Peninsular Malaysia, hypothetically speaking. There are also numerous examples of places of worship in Sabah and Sarawak being built next to each other. In Lutong, Miri, Sarawak, for example, there is an Anglican church being built 50 meters next to a mosque. In Bukit Padang, Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, a Hindu temple, a church and a mosque situated close to each other in less than 600 meters with no untoward incidences recorded so far. Another unique example is that Muslims freely joining their non-Muslim friends at non-Muslim restaurants either to chat over coffee or for tea-break. I can say with certainty that in my place in Taman Jumbo, Putatan, this is a normal scene and I hardly come across with Muslims and non-Muslims quarrel over religious sensitivities.

In Sibu during my 2004 trip there, I saw a non-Muslim woman selling pork next to a Muslim woman who was selling kuih-muih. While knowing fully well their religious beliefs and restrictions, they could still exchange smiles and greetings. Welcome to ethnic tolerance the Sabahan and Sarawakian style! So Sabah and Sarawak have never had any problem with ethnic relations. If anything, it is the politicians themselves—the “pseudo politicians”--to be exact, who have politicised, if not sensionalised, the Ma Tzu issue and Chong is pointedly right in saying that he is defending religious freedom in Malaysia. Musa’s contention that the Muslim community in the area is not happy with the statue construction, at best, is oversimplified and does not represent, I believe, the true feelings of the Muslim community. If there are individuals or groups which oppose to the project construction, it would perhaps be Chong’s political opponents who are taking the advantage to overthrow him simply through a very petty issue such as the Ma Tzu statue.

Dompok's Resignation

2007-05-19T04:42:00.000-07:00

Dompok probably does the right thing by resigning as chairman of the Parliamentary Select Community on Integrity after failing to get the National Registration Department's officials to answer some of the pertinent issues regarding illegal immigrant problems in Sabah. Dompok has been quoted as saying that it is better for him to resign than sitting at the committee without doing something constructive. Calls have been pouring in for him to reverse his decision--the lastest from the President of the Transparency International (Malaysia) and President of the Malaysian Council of Churches.

It is not immediately known why Dompok has suddenly resigned from the committee. But newspaper reports have shown that he is arguably at loggerheads with the de-facto law minister, Nazri Aziz, who questioned the committee wanting to quiz the NRD officials. Nazri said it was not the committee's functions to call on individuals to testify before it as its main role is to obtain feedback and make recommendation to the government on issues related to integrity.

If the government is serious in tackling ineffectiveness in the civil service and to ensure Malaysia is free from corrupt practices, it should ensure that the committee be given the approriate powers and clear jurisdictions. The grey areas between the related government agencies' roles with that of the committee must be tackled to ensure there is no overlapping and redundancy in tasks assigned to them.

The prime minister must either appeal Dompok to stay or find another credible person to head the committee. He also must make sure that the committee's credibility be restored and its presence respected by all levels of society. Abdullah has introduced a number of committees and commissions since taking over the premiership from Mahathir and it is a high time for him so show that his efforts are translated into constructive actions for the betterment of the nation as a whole.

By Way of Introduction

2007-05-19T04:04:00.000-07:00

Welcome to MyOpinion!, a simple blog dedicated to analysing current issues in Sabah and Sarawak and just about anything that can be analysed. This blog aims at:

a. analysing current issues, ranging from political, social to economic ones in Sabah and Sarawak
b. providing an independent analysis on the ongoing issues in both states
c. providing a platform for just anyone to exercise his or her analytical ability to comment on various issues affecting Malaysia and the world
d. sharing with readers/commentators the author's research, work and daily reflections

It is hoped that through this blog, readers/commentators would obtain independent views about Sabah and Sarawak (and Malaysia in general) and contribute to the betterment of the diverse communities of the two East Malaysian states.

You may comment and give critical response to all the articles posted. But please be rational and constructive! You may write in English and Bahasa Malaysia. I am okay with grammatical and typo mistakes but that does not mean that I can tolerate childish and half-bake articles. Just express yourself and we will all learn later how. Or, you can just drop by and say hi and propose what topics to talk about.